*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
We Support Dockworkers Blocking Weapons on October 30, 2026
Unions representing workers at 40 ports in Europe and the Mediterranean are calling for an international day of action on October 30. Read more here. |
| World Federation of Trade Unions |
We Support Dockworkers Blocking Weapons on October 30, 2026
Unions representing workers at 40 ports in Europe and the Mediterranean are calling for an international day of action on October 30. Read more here.
Statement from the World Federation of Trade Unions:
Ports For Peace – Jobs With Dignity
Following the Third International Meeting of Mediterranean and European Dockworkers’ and Port Workers’ Unions, held in Istanbul in May 2026, the participating unions have launched a common international day of action on 30 October 2026.
The meeting focused on the struggle against wars, genocide and military aggression, while also addressing the challenges facing dockworkers and port workers, including wages, working conditions, automation projects, and occupational health and safety.
The participating organizations, CGT Ports and Docks (France), ENEDEP (Greece), LAB (Basque Country), Liman-İş (Turkey), ODT (Morocco), and USB (Italy), representing workers in more than 40 Mediterranean and European ports, are calling on dockworkers and port workers to mobilize together on 30 October 2026.
This mobilization is based on the Istanbul Declaration, adopted unanimously by the participating organizations and now fully endorsed by ORSA Porti of Gioia Tauro (Italy), which has joined our international network.
The declaration sets out the following demands:
· An immediate end to the genocide of the Palestinian people and recognition of an independent Palestinian state, recognized by the international community, within the 1967 borders and with East Jerusalem as its capital.
· An end to the US-Israeli wars of aggression in the West Asia and against Iran, and full solidarity with the peoples of Cuba, Venezuela and Sudan, alongside support for the right of all peoples to resist occupation and to self-determination.
· Ports must not be used for the transport of arms, ammunition, military equipment or troops destined for war zones.
· They must not become military bases for NATO, the United States or the European Union, nor serve as tools for shipowners and monopoly groups.
· No to the war economy, government rearmament plans, and the project of militarization of ports and strategic infrastructure from EU. Public resources must be used to meet people’s social needs, not to finance war.
· Collective agreements must guarantee real wage increases, secure employment, reduced working hours, and fair pension provisions.
· Technological progress, mechanization, automation and artificial intelligence must not be used to eliminate jobs or undermine workers’ rights. Dockworkers and port workers say NO to automation.
On October 30, all actions will be united as part of a common international struggle to stop wars, genocide and the militarization of ports at a very critical moment in history, while defending workers’ rights and better working conditions. Each union will decide the most appropriate form of mobilization according to its national circumstances, starting from strike action and from a shared commitment to prevent the loading of death and destruction.
The signatory trade unions of the Istanbul Declaration call on ALL dockworkers’ and port workers’ unions to join this international mobilization. We are ready to meet with organized groups of dockworkers and port workers from any other ports interested in becoming part of this common struggle.
CGT FNPD France – ENEDEP Greece – LAB Basque Country – LIMAN-IS Turkey – ODT Maroc – ORSA Porti Italy – USB Italy
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
NOVEMBER 1-7
WEEK of GLOBAL RESISTANCE
to STOP U.S. IMPERIALISM & GENOCIDE
This year SHUT DOWN DRONE WARFARE (SDDW) Fall Actions will be a "Kick Off for A New Campaign": We want to help build a stronger network of global communities working in coordination to STOP U.S Imperialism & Genocide. Several other national organizations are already co-sponsors. (see below) This global call to action in the fall is only the beginning. We invite national and international organizations to sign on as sponsors/endorsers of the week and to plan simultaneous actions at U.S. Bases, Weapons Industries and AI Data Centers around the world. Organize actions for one day, or numerous days during or near the Week of Global Resistance. We recommend planning actions during weekday commute hours, if possible, when personnel are going into and out of military bases, weapons industry workplaces, AI Data Centers, etc. Educate, educate, educate and encourage resistance from within. Please spread the word: Help us get more sponsors & endorsers! More details to come soon.
"Week of Global Resistance" Co-sponsors: ShutDownDroneWarfare.org, BanKillerDrones.org, Global Network Against Weapons & Nuclear Power in Space, and Witness Against Empire.
Will your organization sponsor or endorse? Please contact: toby4peace@sonic.net
The above global call to action is part of SDDW Fall Action Week:
SHUT DOWN DRONE WARFARE! (SDDW)
ShutDownDroneWarfare.org
SDDW Fall Action Week:
NEW: Simultaneous Actions at both Creech AFB & Holloman AFB!
November 1-7, 2026
Nov.1-7, Creech AFB Fall Action, Indian Springs, NV
Nov. 4-6, Holloman AFB Fall Action, Alamogordo, NM
17 years of persistent resistance! Come for all or part of Fall Actions!
Shut Down Drone Warfare (SDDW) Campaign is Co-Sponsored by Veterans For Peace, Ban Killer Drones & CODEPINK
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
We need as many people there as possible to carry our message - no more of our tax dollars for endless wars. Can we count you in? Sign up here:
https://www.codepink.org/novdc26
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
To Iran’s Political Prisoners, trapped “Between Two Blades of a Scissors”
Open letter
August marks the anniversary of the 1988 mass executions in Iran, a horror that echoes in the country’s current surge in death sentences. It also marks the August 19 anniversary of the UK- and U.S.-orchestrated coup against the prime minister Mohammad Mosaddegh in 1953. Amid the current, indiscriminate waves of U.S.-Israeli military assaults against Iran, this letter of solidarity denounces the repression of the Iranian people and their political prisoners by forces both at home and abroad.
To our fellow activists, students, thinkers, workers, artists, and other prisoners of conscience held behind the walls of all detention centers across Iran:
We write to you from a place of deep solidarity, our hearts heavy with the knowledge of the struggle you face within Iran’s prisons: the torture, the systematic neglect, the enforced silence, and the brutal reality of sham trials and executions. As former and current political prisoners, activists, and scholars committed to the global project of abolition, anti-authoritarianism and anti-imperialism, we see you across the distances of geography and the silence of censorship and internet blackouts. And we stand in solidarity with you, as you are at the intersection of two sources of oppression.
On one side, you face the Islamic Republic that, from its inception, enforced absolute social and political control based on an exclusionary ideology. It is a system that claims to counter imperial power while using its very logic of domination and systems of carcerality, torture and execution. On the other side, you face the aggression and violence of the very imperialist and Zionist forces the Islamic Republic purports to stand against. The U.S. and Israel instigate brutal wars, destroy civilian infrastructure, kill innocent schoolgirls, and treat you as collateral damage in their pursuit of regional dominance. We remember the horror of June 23, 2025, when Israel struck the Evin prison complex, flattening its hospital ward, transgender section, and visitor center. You best exposed this dual oppression when you voiced that you “feel stuck between the two blades of a scissors, the evil regime that imprisons and tortures [you] and a foreign force dropping bombs on [your] heads in the name of freedom.”
In the past year, we witnessed both blades of the scissor sharpen. We see the arbitrary arrests and the horrific wave of state executions. We see the deepening criminalization of the working class and unemployed, the targeting of Kurds, Arabs, and Baloch, and the scapegoating of Afghan migrants: all desperate attempts to kill the spirit of people they cannot contain. This is the logic of carceral states everywhere: when they fail to address the crises people face, they simply attempt to criminalize or disappear the people themselves.
We see the same logic of domination when Israel uses “administrative detention” to hold Palestinian political prisoners for years without charge. We see it when Israeli authorities celebrate a new law that allows them to execute the Palestinian political prisoners they cannot dominate. We see it in the ICE detention centers where the U.S. government imprisons our people in the pursuit of a political agenda of racist exclusion or detains our political activists for daring to speak against the U.S.-backed Israeli genocide. We see it in the history of the U.S. targeting freedom fighters, particularly Black, Indigenous, Puerto Rican and other anticolonial organizers, locking them away for decades to crush movements for national liberation and sovereignty. And we see the connections between these carceral systems sharing intelligence and governance techniques, such as when the USP Marion prison in Illinois became a blueprint for prisons built in Iran and Israel in the 1960s. Whether it is a border wall or a prison gate, the goal is the same: to silence people through fear, domination, and isolation.
Your struggle is as global as our collective dreams of freedom and dignity. We stand with you, and we reject the false binary of imperialism and hollow anti-imperialism. We invite global civil society and anti-imperialist activists and organizations to extend their unconditional support and solidarity to all incarcerated kin fighting for our collective liberation, to build relationships with Iranian political prisoners and uplift their voices, to put pressure on the Islamic Republic by challenging its narrative, and to call upon that government to immediately stop all the executions and free all political prisoners.
The Iranian authorities must stop their inhumane practice of death and incarceration now. And the U.S. and Israel must end their barbaric wars and brutal sanctions that knowingly devastate our communities.
In solidarity and with love,
Alberto Toscano, emeritus professor of critical theory, Goldsmiths, *University of London
Angela Davis, former political prisoner, distinguished professor emerita, *University of California, Santa Cruz
Bernardine Dohrn, retired professor of law, *Northwestern University
Bill Ayers, professor, *College Unbound
Cherríe L Moraga, distinguished professor emerita, University of California, Santa Barbara, Chicana feminist writer, and activist
Dan Berger, professor of comparative ethnic studies, *University of Washington Bothell
Hossam el-Hamalawy, Egyptian socialist, scholar and former political prisoner
Jairus Banaji, historian, research professor, SOAS, *University of London
Jason Stanley, professor of philosophy, *University of Toronto
Judith Butler, distinguished professor in the Graduate School, *University of California, Berkeley
Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, author, From #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation, professor of African American studies, *Princeton University
Michael Löwy, emeritus research director of sociology at the* Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Paris
Michael Mansfield, human rights and civil liberties Bbarrister
Mumia Abu-Jamal, current political prisoner, educator, journalist and activist
Ricardo Jiménez, social activist, former Puerto Rican political prisoner
Ruha Benjamin, professor of African American studies, *Princeton University
Ruth Wilson Gilmore, Graduate Center, *CUNY
Walden F Bello, international adjunct professor of sociology, *State University of New York at Binghamton
Yasin al-Haj Saleh, Syrian writer, political dissident, and former political prisoner in Syria
* Organizations for identification purposes only
** Signatories are sorted alphabetically
—The Guardian, August 20, 2026
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/ng-interactive/2026/aug/20/iran-political-prisoners
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
The Trump administration is escalating its attack on Cuba, cutting off the island’s access to oil in a deliberate attempt to induce famine and mass suffering. This is collective punishment, plain and simple.
In response, we’re releasing a public Call to Conscience, already signed by influential public figures, elected officials, artists, and organizations—including 22 members of the New York City Council, Kal Penn, Mark Ruffalo, Susan Sarandon, Alice Walker, 50501, Movement for Black Lives, The People’s Forum, IFCO Pastors for Peace, ANSWER Coalition, and many others—demanding an end to this brutal policy.
The letter is open for everyone to sign. Add your name today. Cutting off energy to an island nation is not policy—it is a tactic of starvation.
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
VIDEO:
What Cubans Really Think About Trump
By Jeff Seal, May 28, 2026
Mr. Seal is a comedian and a visual journalist.
End Texas Torture of Revolutionary Elder Xinachtli
Organization Support Letter
Letter to demand the immediate medical treatment and release of Chicano political prisoner Xinachtli (Alvaro Hernandez #00255735)
To the Texas Department of Criminal Justice,
We, the undersigned organizations, write to urge immediate action to protect the life, health, and human rights of Xinachtli (legal name Alvaro Hernandez). Xinachtli is 73-year-old Chicano community organizer from Texas who has spent 23 years in solitary confinement and 30 years incarcerated as part of a 50-year sentence. His health is now in a critical and life-threatening state and requires prompt and comprehensive medical intervention.
Since his conviction in 1997, Xinachtli has spent decades in conditions that have caused significant physical and psychological harm. As an elder in worsening health, these conditions have effectively become a de facto death sentence.
Xinachtli’s current medical condition is severe. His physical, mental, and overall well-being have declined rapidly in recent weeks. He now requires both a wheelchair and a walker, has experienced multiple falls, and is suffering from rapid weight loss. He is currently housed in the McConnell Unit infirmary, where he is receiving only palliative measures and is being denied a medical diagnosis, access to his medical records, and adequate diagnostic testing or treatment.
A virtual clinical visit with licensed medical doctor Dr. Dona Kim Murphey underscores the severity of his condition. In her report of the visit, she wrote: "Given the history of recent neck/back trauma and recurrent urinary tract infections with numbness, weakness, and bowel and bladder incontinence, I am concerned about nerve root or spinal cord injury and/or abscesses that can lead to permanent sensorimotor dysfunction."
Despite his age and visible disabilities, he remains in solitary confinement under the Security Threat Group designation as a 73-year-old. During his time in the infirmary, prison staff threw away all of his belongings and “lost” his commissary card, leaving him completely without basic necessities. He is experiencing hunger, and the lack of consistent nutrition is worsening his medical condition. McConnell Unit staff have also consistently given him incorrect forms, including forms for medical records and medical visitation, creating further barriers to care and communication.
A family visit on November 29 confirmed the seriousness of his condition. Xinachtli, who was once able to walk on his own, can no longer stand without assistance. He struggled to breathe, has lost more than 30 pounds, relied heavily on his wheelchair, and was in severe pain throughout the visit.
In light of these conditions, we, the undersigned organizations, demand that TDCJ take immediate action to save Xinachtli’s life and comply with its legal and ethical obligations.
We urge the immediate implementation of the following actions:
Immediate re-instatement of his access to commissary to buy hygiene, food, and other critical items. Immediate transfer to the TDCJ hospital in Galveston for a full medical evaluation and treatment, including complete access to his medical records and full transparency regarding all procedures. Transfer to a geriatric and medical unit that is fully accessible under the Americans with Disabilities Act. Xinachtli requests placement at the Richard P LeBlanc Unit in Beaumont, Texas. Approval of Medical Recommended Intensive Supervision, the release program for individuals with serious medical conditions and disabilities, in recognition of the severity and progression of his current health issues. Failure to act will result in the continued and foreseeable deterioration of Xinachtli’s health, amounting to state-sanctioned death. We urge TDCJ to take swift and decisive action to meet these requests and to fulfill its responsibility to safeguard his life and well-being.
We stand united in calling for immediate and decisive action. Xinachtli’s life depends on it.
Signed, Xinachtli Freedom Campaign and supporting organizations
Endorsing Organizations:
Al-Awda Houston; All African People’s Revolutionary Party; Anakbayan Houston; Anti-Imperialist Solidarity; Artists for Black Lives' Equality; Black Alliance for Peace - Solidarity Network; Columbia University Students for a Democratic Society; Community Liberation Programs; Community Powered ATX; Contra Gentrificación; Diaspora Pa’lante Collective; Down South; DSA Emerge; Entre nos kc; Fighting Racism Workshops; Frontera Water Protectors; GC Harm Reductionists; JERICHO MOVEMENT; Jericho Movement Providence; Montrose Anarchist Collective; NYC Jericho Movement; OC Focus; Palestine Solidarity TX; Partisan Defense Committee; Partido Nacional de la Raza Unida; PDX Anti-Repression; Red Star Texas; Root Cause; San Francisco Solidarity Collective; Shine White Support Team; Sunrise Columbia; UC San Diego Faculty for Justice in Palestine; Viva Palestina, EPTX; Water Justice and Technology Studio; Workshops4Gaza.
Sign the endorsement letter for your organization here:
https://cryptpad.fr/form/#/2/form/view/MiR1f+iLiRBJC7gSTyfhyxJoLIDhThxRafPatxdbMWI/
IMPORTANT LINKS TO MATERIALS FOR XINACHTLI FREEDOM CAMPAIGN:
PHONE BLAST: Your community can sign up for a 15-minute-long call shift here: bit.ly/xphoneblast
FUNDRAISER: Here is the link to Jericho's fundraiser for Xinachtli: http://givebutter.com/jerichomovement
CASE HISTORY: Learn more about Xinachtli and his case through our website: https://freealvaro.net
CONTACT INFO:
Follow us on Instagram: @freexinachtlinow
Email us:
xinachtlifreedomcampaign@protonmail.com
COALITION FOLDER:
https://drive.proton.me/urls/SP3KTC1RK4#KARGiPQVYIvR
In the folder you will find: Two pictures of Xinachtli from 2024; The latest updated graphics for the phone blast; The original TRO emergency motion filing; Maria Salazar's declaration; Dr. Murphy's report from her Dec. 9 medical visit; Letter from Amnesty International declaring Xinachtli's situation a human rights violation; Free Xinachtli zine (which gives background on him and his case); and The most recent press release detailing who Xinachtli is as well as his medical situation.
Write to:
Alvaro Hernandez CID #00255735
TDCJ-W.G. McConnell Unit
PO Box 660400
Dallas, TX 75266-0400
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
 ‘Freedom Zone’ launches important human rights event October 30 Global Festival in Support of Russian Political Prisoners _________________________________________________________ THE LOCATIONS: Berlin, Munich, Warsaw, New York, Minnesota, Budva, Melbourne, Helsinki, Haifa, Amsterdam, Stockholm, Vilnius, São Paulo, Florianópolis, Batumi, Tbilisi, Belgrade, Riga, Paris, Yerevan, Milan, Vienna, London, Madrid THE AUDIENCE: Anyone concerned about political prisoners in Russia
Lectures, auctions, letter evenings, film screenings and other events will take place in more than 20 countries, including the US, Brazil and Australia, demonstrating worldwide solidarity with the prisoners of the Russian regime. Speakers in different cities will include such well-known opponents of the Putin regime as Daria Serenko, Mikhail Lobanov, Sasha and Nadezhda Skochilenko, Ivan Philippov, Alexey Ponomaryov and other prominent Russian exiles. Funds raised will go towards supporting political prisoners, covering the costs of legal representation, visits from loved ones and other needs. It is also possible to join the international campaign by making an online donation. This global festival will be a tangible expression of opposition to lawlessness in Russia and support for its victims. Let’s show that we stand shoulder to shoulder with those who have been unjustly convicted! ______________________________________________ ‘Freedom Zone’ was founded by Kseniia Kagarlitskaia, daughter of political prisoner Boris Kagarlitsky. Since 2024, the organisation has been holding charity events (festivals) abroad to raise funds for political prisoners in Russia, raising awareness of the unlawful persecution and inhumane prison conditions faced by people in the Russian Federation, as well as campaigning for the release of political prisoners. Website: https://freedom-zone.com/festival Contact: Kseniia Kagarlitskaiazona.svobody@gmail.com +38268347993 Telegram @pruesha ___________________________________________________________________ Donation link: https://buymeacoffee.com/zonasvobodk Russia Confirms Jailing of Antiwar Leader Boris Kagarlitsky In a secret trial on June 5, 2024, the Russian Supreme Court’s Military Chamber confirmed a sentence of five years in a penal colony for left-wing sociologist and online journalist Boris Kagarlitsky. His crime? “Justifying terrorism” — a sham charge used to silence opponents of Putin’s war on Ukraine. The court disregarded a plea for freedom sent by thirty-seven international luminaries. Kagarlitsky, a leading Marxist thinker in Russia’s post-Soviet period, recently addressed socialists who won’t criticize Putin: “To my Western colleagues, who…call for an understanding of Putin and his regime, I would like to ask a very simple question. [Would] you want to live in a country where there is no free press or independent courts? In a country where the police have the right to break into your house without a warrant? …In a country which…broadcasts appeals on TV to destroy Paris, London, Warsaw, with a nuclear strike?” Thousands of antiwar critics have been forced to flee Russia or are behind bars, swept up in Putin’s vicious crackdown on dissidents. Opposition to the war is consistently highest among the poorest workers. Recently, RusNews journalists Roman Ivanov and Maria Ponomarenko were sentenced to seven, and six years respectively, for reporting the military’s brutal assault on Ukraine. A massive global solidarity campaign that garnered support from thousands was launched at Kagarlitsky’s arrest. Now, it has been revived. This internationalism will bolster the repressed Russian left and Ukrainian resistance to Putin’s imperialism. To sign the online petition at freeboris.info —Freedom Socialist Party, August 2024 https://socialism.com/fs-article/russia-jails-prominent-antiwar-leader-boris-kagarlitsky/#:~:text=In%20a%20secret%20trial%20on,of%20Putin's%20war%20on%20Ukraine. Petition in Support of Boris KagarlitskyWe, the undersigned, were deeply shocked to learn that on February 13 the leading Russian socialist intellectual and antiwar activist Dr. Boris Kagarlitsky (65) was sentenced to five years in prison. Dr. Kagarlitsky was arrested on the absurd charge of 'justifying terrorism' in July last year. After a global campaign reflecting his worldwide reputation as a writer and critic of capitalism and imperialism, his trial ended on December 12 with a guilty verdict and a fine of 609,000 roubles. The prosecution then appealed against the fine as 'unjust due to its excessive leniency' and claimed falsely that Dr. Kagarlitsky was unable to pay the fine and had failed to cooperate with the court. In fact, he had paid the fine in full and provided the court with everything it requested. On February 13 a military court of appeal sent him to prison for five years and banned him from running a website for two years after his release. The reversal of the original court decision is a deliberate insult to the many thousands of activists, academics, and artists around the world who respect Dr. Kagarlitsky and took part in the global campaign for his release. The section of Russian law used against Dr. Kagarlitsky effectively prohibits free expression. The decision to replace the fine with imprisonment was made under a completely trumped-up pretext. Undoubtedly, the court's action represents an attempt to silence criticism in the Russian Federation of the government's war in Ukraine, which is turning the country into a prison. The sham trial of Dr. Kagarlitsky is the latest in a wave of brutal repression against the left-wing movements in Russia. Organizations that have consistently criticized imperialism, Western and otherwise, are now under direct attack, many of them banned. Dozens of activists are already serving long terms simply because they disagree with the policies of the Russian government and have the courage to speak up. Many of them are tortured and subjected to life-threatening conditions in Russian penal colonies, deprived of basic medical care. Left-wing politicians are forced to flee Russia, facing criminal charges. International trade unions such as IndustriALL and the International Transport Federation are banned and any contact with them will result in long prison sentences. There is a clear reason for this crackdown on the Russian left. The heavy toll of the war gives rise to growing discontent among the mass of working people. The poor pay for this massacre with their lives and wellbeing, and opposition to war is consistently highest among the poorest. The left has the message and resolve to expose the connection between imperialist war and human suffering. Dr. Kagarlitsky has responded to the court's outrageous decision with calm and dignity: “We just need to live a little longer and survive this dark period for our country,” he said. Russia is nearing a period of radical change and upheaval, and freedom for Dr. Kagarlitsky and other activists is a condition for these changes to take a progressive course. We demand that Boris Kagarlitsky and all other antiwar prisoners be released immediately and unconditionally. We also call on the auth *..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........* *..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........* |
Self-portrait by Kevin Cooper
Funds for Kevin Cooper
Kevin was transferred out of San Quentin and is now at a healthcare facility in Stockton. He has received some long overdue healthcare. The art program is very different from the one at San Quentin but we are hopeful that Kevin can get back to painting soon.
For 41 years, an innocent man has been on death row in California.
Kevin Cooper was wrongfully convicted of the brutal 1983 murders of the Ryen family and houseguest. The case has a long history of police and prosecutorial misconduct, evidence tampering, and numerous constitutional violations including many incidences of the prosecution withholding evidence of innocence from the defense. You can learn more here .
In December 2018 Gov. Brown ordered limited DNA testing and in February 2019, Gov. Newsom ordered additional DNA testing. Meanwhile, Kevin remains on Death Row at San Quentin Prison.
The funds raised will be used to help Kevin purchase art supplies for his paintings . Additionally, being in prison is expensive, and this money would help Kevin pay for stamps, books, paper, toiletries, supplies, supplementary food, printing materials to educate the public about his case and/or video calls.
Please help ease the daily struggle of an innocent man on death row!
An immediate act of solidarity we can all do right now is to write to Kevin and assure him of our continuing support in his fight for justice. Here’s his address:
Kevin Cooper #C65304
Cell 107, Unit E1C
California Health Care Facility, Stockton (CHCF)
P.O. Box 213040
Stockton, CA 95213
www.freekevincooper.org
Call California Governor Newsom:
1-(916) 445-2841
Press 1 for English or 2 for Spanish,
press 6 to speak with a representative and
wait for someone to answer
(Monday-Friday, 9:00 A.M. to 5:00 P.M. PST—12:00 P.M. to 8:00 P.M. EST)
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
Dr. Alter Still Needs Our Help!
Please sign the petition today!
https://www.change.org/p/texas-state-university-give-tom-alter-his-job-back
What you can do to support:
—Donate to help Tom Alter and his family with living and legal expenses: https://gofund.me/27c72f26d
—Sign and share this petition demanding Tom Alter be given his job back: https://www.change.org/p/texas-state-university-give-tom-alter-his-job-back
—Write to and call the President and Provost at Texas State University demanding that Tom Alter be given his job back:
President Kelly Damphousse: president@txstate.edu
President’s Office Phone: 512-245-2121
Provost Pranesh Aswath: xrk25@txstate.edu
Provost Office Phone: 512-245-2205
For more information about the reason for the firing of Dr. Tom Alter, read:
"Fired for Advocating Socialism: Professor Tom Alter Speaks Out"
Ashley Smith Interviews Dr. Tom Alter
—CounterPunch, September 24, 2025
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........* *..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........* |
Mumia Abu-Jamal is Innocent!
FREE HIM NOW!
Write to Mumia at:
Smart Communications/PADOC
Mumia Abu-Jamal #AM-8335
SCI Mahanoy
P.O. Box 33028
St. Petersburg, FL 33733
Join the Fight for Mumia's Life
Since September, Mumia Abu-Jamal's health has been declining at a concerning rate. He has lost weight, is anemic, has high blood pressure and an extreme flair up of his psoriasis, and his hair has fallen out. In April 2021 Mumia underwent open heart surgery. Since then, he has been denied cardiac rehabilitation care including a healthy diet and exercise.
He still needs more complicated treatment from a retinal specialist for his right eye if his eyesight is to be saved:
Donate to Mumia Abu-Jamal's Emergency Legal and Medical
Defense Fund
Mumia has instructed PrisonRadio to set up this fund. Gifts donated here are designated for the Mumia Abu-Jamal Medical and Legal Defense Fund. If you are writing a check or making a donation in another way, note this in the memo line.
Send to:
Mumia Medical and Legal Fund c/o Prison Radio
P.O. Box 411074, San Francisco, CA 94103
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
Resources for Resisting Federal Repression
https://www.nlg.org/federalrepressionresources/
Since June of 2020, activists have been subjected to an increasingly aggressive crackdown on protests by federal law enforcement. The federal response to the movement for Black Lives has included federal criminal charges for activists, door knocks by federal law enforcement agents, and increased use of federal troops to violently police protests.
The NLG National Office is releasing this resource page for activists who are resisting federal repression. It includes a link to our emergency hotline numbers, as well as our library of Know-Your-Rights materials, our recent federal repression webinar, and a list of some of our recommended resources for activists. We will continue to update this page.
Please visit the NLG Mass Defense Program page for general protest-related legal support hotlines run by NLG chapters.
Emergency Hotlines
If you are contacted by federal law enforcement, you should exercise all of your rights. It is always advisable to speak to an attorney before responding to federal authorities.
State and Local Hotlines
If you have been contacted by the FBI or other federal law enforcement, in one of the following areas, you may be able to get help or information from one of these local NLG hotlines for:
Portland, Oregon: (833) 680-1312
San Francisco, California: (415) 285-1041 or fbi_hotline@nlgsf.org
Seattle, Washington: (206) 658-7963
National Hotline
If you are located in an area with no hotline, you can call the following number:
National NLG Federal Defense Hotline: (212) 679-2811
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
Articles
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
1) Student Protesters in France Have a Strange New Slogan. What Does It Mean?
“Bismillah, c’est les ténèbres” has appeared on signs at recent demonstrations. It doesn’t make much sense (it means, “In the name of God, it’s the darkness”) but is seen as shorthand for a generational divide.
By Zane Irwin, Oct. 20, 2026
Students blocking access last week to Paul Éluard High School, during a protest for better learning conditions. Abdul Saboor/Reuters
As hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets across France this past weekend in support of student protesters, many displayed a somewhat mystifying rallying cry on their cardboard signs: “Bismillah, c’est les ténèbres.”
The phrase, a mash-up of the Islamic blessing “In the name of God” and the French phrase “It’s the darkness,” may make little sense on the surface.
But it has become a symbol of a generational rift since young people began protesting last month against lackluster school resources — demonstrations that evolved into widespread unrest this past weekend.
Where did the phrase emerge?
The sentence seems to have first been used on Snapchat by someone who was seeking entry to a private chat room where student protest organizers gathered.
The poster addressed Snapchat users with the greeting “Bismillah, c’est les ténèbres,” a seemingly nonsensical phrase that appeared to mimic the colloquial blend of Arabic and French that young people in France sometimes use.
The writer then added, “We are going to break everything.”
The writer seems to have sent the message multiple times under different profiles, using names like Mamadou and Abdellah and accounts that displayed Algerian flag emojis.
Other Snapchat users, finding the phrasing funny, made screenshots of the messages and posted them on social media. We haven’t been able to verify their origin.
What happened next?
Many young people suspected the messages came from law enforcement officials who were clumsily trying to infiltrate the student protest movements.
Demonstrators quickly adopted “Bismillah, c’est les ténèbres” as a sardonic slogan meant to mock the authorities’ attempt to stifle their cause.
It is now seen as shorthand for longstanding tensions between law enforcement officials and protesters, especially students and people of color. The children of immigrants from France’s former colonies, Black and Arab French people have long reported being discriminated against — and, as the messages seem to illustrate, misunderstood — by the authorities.
Asked for comment, France’s Interior Ministry did not address whether its agents had used the phrase. But it acknowledged that law enforcement officials sometimes assume online personas to communicate with people suspected of organizing unlawful activities during protests.
“In this context, the investigator has the option of creating a pseudonym,” the ministry said in a statement, to “extract and retain communications on persons likely to be the perpetrators of these offences and any evidence that may be used in legal proceedings.”
Why did this strike such a chord?
To student protesters, the awkward wording seemed to evoke the generational divide between their movement and a government that has largely refused their demands.
“No young person talks like that,” Sabrine Kharbach, a spokeswoman for a prominent French student union, said. “Young people have reclaimed this phrase to point out that attempts to monitor and infiltrate their movements do not go unnoticed, and to assert their ability to organize in spite of them.”
Sadanee Sabadi, a university student in Bordeaux who has joined the protests, said in an interview that the Snapchat messages betrayed a “prejudice” about the types of people who officers believed were setting up blockades or aiming to “break everything.”
Phèdre Quémener, a high school student in Paris, said that “Bismillah, c’est les ténèbres” had become a national joke because “it is such a terrible impersonation of a young person.”
She added, “This is seen as an example of racism because it implies that the people who are going to vandalize property are Arab.”
How has it spread beyond France?
“Bismillah, c’est les ténèbres” has been featured in similar demonstrations in Belgium and Germany.
Greta Thunberg, a Swedish environmental activist, repeated it in a video posted by an Instagram account that expressed solidarity with the student movement. In the video, Ms. Thunberg flashed other Gen Z gestures, including one associated with “6-7,” a meme that also became popular because of its absurdity.
The use of the new slogan mirrors the grim humor baked into the Cockroach movement in India, which has also been led by students calling for a better education system. Protesters named their movement after an insult directed at them by India’s top judge, who described young and unemployed Indians as “parasites” and “cockroaches.”
How did the protests start?
The student demonstrations began last month, sweeping across hundreds of French schools as protesters called for improvements to crumbling facilities, more teachers, smaller class sizes and less intense schedules.
Many demonstrations remained peaceful, but others descended into violence, as participants set fire to or ransacked at least 24 schools, leading to roughly 8,000 arrests, according to the government. The protests gradually merged with a national movement of labor unions and other campaign groups, leading to countrywide protests this past weekend that were overshadowed by widespread rioting.
The police’s forceful response has helped galvanize the protesters.
France’s official police watchdog is investigating at least 34 accusations of police misconduct during the protests since last month. The cases include that of a 14-year-old boy who was maimed by a tear-gas grenade that an officer fired at close range.
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
2) A Billionaire Wanted a Trump Pardon. His Family Gave Alina Habba a $50 Million Deal.
Julio Herrera Velutini, a prominent Venezuelan, was seeking clemency. He got it not long after his daughter gave Ms. Habba, a lawyer close to President Trump, an extraordinarily lucrative job.
By Tyler Pager, Reporting from Washington, Published Oct. 20, 2026, Updated Oct. 21, 2026
https://www.nytimes.com/2026/10/20/us/politics/julio-herrera-pardon-alina-habba.html
Julio Herrera Velutini in San Juan, Puerto Rico, in August 2022, after being charged for his role in a scheme to bribe the territory’s governor, Wanda Vázquez, to dismiss a regulator who was investigating his bank. Carlos Giusti/GFR Media, via Imago
A billionaire banker from a prominent Venezuelan family, Mr. Herrera faced felony bribery charges in the United States and struck an unusually lenient plea deal in August 2025 for a misdemeanor campaign finance violation. But he felt that reduced charge was still a stain on his record.
So Mr. Herrera deployed his lawyer, Christopher M. Kise, the former Florida solicitor general who was on President Trump’s personal legal team, to help with a plea for clemency. His 27-year-old daughter, Isabela Herrera, who is an American citizen, donated $3.5 million to a super PAC tied to Mr. Trump. But as of last fall, the pardon remained elusive.
Then the Herrera family hired Alina Habba, who had been one of Mr. Trump’s personal lawyers and at the time was an adviser at the Justice Department. They offered her $10 million a year for four years along with a range of bonuses. In total, including bonuses, she was guaranteed more than $50 million over four years, according to interviews and documents obtained by The New York Times.
Under the agreement, Ms. Habba would become general counsel at Concord Partners, a company that Ms. Herrera set up in late October 2025 in Florida. The company has no public profile and its business remains unclear even to some people associated with the Herrera business empire. Ms. Habba finalized her deal days after the company was registered, while she was still serving as U.S. attorney in New Jersey.
She formally began her work for Concord Partners on Jan. 1. Weeks later, Mr. Trump granted Mr. Herrera a full and unconditional pardon.
By then, Ms. Habba was a senior adviser to Attorney General Pam Bondi, overseeing U.S. attorneys. She had an office at the Justice Department and a protective detail from the U.S. Marshals, a holdover from her time serving as the U.S. attorney in New Jersey.
The sequence of events raises questions about how Mr. Herrera secured the pardon and who might have helped him. People familiar with Ms. Habba’s contract said they believed that she was brought in to help with Mr. Herrera’s push for a pardon and expressed surprise at the scale of the compensation.
Ms. Habba denied any role in the pardon.
“Any insinuation that my employment — all of which has been vetted and disclosed to the D.O.J. — had anything to do with securing a pardon is false,” she said in a statement.
Ms. Habba was a special government employee at the time, which allows individuals to work for the federal government for up to 130 days and maintain outside employment with conflict-of-interest restrictions.
She declined to discuss her work for Concord.
Ms. Herrera and Mr. Herrera did not respond to multiple requests for comment. Neither did their companies. In a statement, the Justice Department said Ms. Habba did not speak to anyone about a pardon.
A White House official said that Ms. Habba had nothing to do with the pardon and that the administration follows a pardon review process that includes the White House Counsel’s Office and the Justice Department.
In Mr. Trump’s second term, a pardon industry has sprouted up, with wealthy criminals paying well-connected lawyers, fixers and lobbyists to appeal to the administration and its allies in an effort to secure pardons. Many pardon seekers have come to the conclusion that supporting Mr. Trump and his political agenda is the fastest way to secure clemency.
Some people looking for pardons have reported paying hundreds of thousands of dollars or even $1 million to hire people promising access to the president or influence over the pardon process.
For Ms. Habba, the job from the Herrera family came at a pivotal point in her life and career.
She resigned in December 2025 as U.S. attorney in New Jersey after a panel of federal judges ruled that her appointment by Mr. Trump had been carried out unlawfully. Her second marriage was also falling apart.
The arrangement with the Herreras provided her with a new level of financial security. She also found new love. Shortly after the pardon was issued, Ms. Habba started dating Turhan Mildon, a Turkish investor.
They were married last month in a lavish ceremony in New York. The guest list included Attorney General Todd Blanche; the F.B.I. director, Kash Patel; and Will Scharf, the White House counsel.
The couple is now engaged in high-profile feud with Richard Grenell, a longtime Trump ally. Ms. Habba has accused Mr. Grenell of misallocating a donation from her husband to the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts, which Mr. Grenell was running at the time. Mr. Grenell has denied her accusations, calling them absurd.
Ms. Habba brought those accusations directly to Mr. Trump, who directed Mr. Scharf to investigate them. The Times has previously reported that the investigation centers on a bank transfer from the Democratic Republic of Congo to a Texas defense company.
Mr. Herrera, who also has Italian citizenship, is a member of the Herrera family, a banking, real estate and fashion dynasty that dates back to the 14th century. The family owns estates and castles in Caracas, Venezuela; the Canary Islands; Spain; and Germany.
Mr. Herrera founded a bank based in Puerto Rico in 2008.
In August 2022, he was charged for his role in a scheme to bribe Gov. Wanda Vázquez of Puerto Rico to dismiss a regulator who was investigating the bank. Mr. Herrera, Ms. Vázquez and a former F.B.I. agent who had worked as a consultant for Mr. Herrera all pleaded not guilty to felony charges.
Mr. Kise, Mr. Herrera’s lawyer, helped negotiate a deal with the Justice Department under which Mr. Herrera pleaded guilty in August 2025 to a single misdemeanor campaign finance charge. Ms. Vázquez and the former F.B.I. agent also pleaded guilty to misdemeanors, disappointing career prosecutors who had pushed for harsher sentences.
All three were pardoned by Mr. Trump at the same time, shortly before they were scheduled to be sentenced for the misdemeanor charges.
In July, Banvelca, the Herreras’ family office since 1781, announced that Ms. Herrera, a member of the eighth generation and the daughter of Julio Herrera Velutini, was assuming leadership of the company. Neither the news release nor her bio on the company’s website makes any mention of Concord Partners, the vehicle employing Ms. Habba, who now goes by Mrs. Mildon.
Kenneth P. Vogel contributed to this report.
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
3) He’s Ruled My Country for 14 Years. An Inspiring Student Movement Might Kick Him Out.
By Filip Balunovic, Oct. 21, 2026
Mr. Balunovic is a research fellow at the University of Belgrade and a scholar of social movements. He wrote from Belgrade, Serbia.
It may sound like a David-and-Goliath story. But on Sunday, Serbia’s inspiring student movement will run in snap parliamentary elections against the party that has ruled the country for 14 years. At the head of the ruling coalition’s list of candidates is Serbia’s longtime autocratic leader, Aleksandar Vucic. After nearly two years of protests, the showdown between the students and Mr. Vucic is about to enter its final stage.
The students’ list of 250 candidates is remarkable in itself. Comprising professors, scientists, doctors, workers, actors and activists, the candidates — most of whom had been unknown to the public — were selected through a lengthy sequence of scrutiny and interviews. University faculties proposed candidates, then reviewed nominees from across the country. After discussing the options, student assemblies made their choices. Thousands participated in this decision-making process — an extraordinary experiment in bringing direct democracy into mainstream politics.
The established opposition, meanwhile, has been pushed aside, with many of its parties backing the student list. The student movement has turned the election into something like a referendum on the regime, captured in its slogan: “Serbia or the mafia.” Many assumed the students were too inexperienced or naïve for electoral politics. But with some polls putting support for the student list above 40 percent, the race appears to be tight.
The students are coming for the machine. And, astonishingly, they might win.
The movement has come a long way. It started in 2024 with the collapse of a railway station canopy in Novi Sad, Serbia’s second-largest city, that killed 16 people. Students took to the streets to demand accountability for the disaster. So began a cycle of demonstrations, university blockades, road closures and other acts of civil disobedience that forced Mr. Vucic onto the back foot. The pressure grew so great that he brought forward elections, cutting short his second and final presidential term to run for prime minister.
The students are too young to remember Mr. Vucic in the 1990s, when he made inflammatory wartime comments, declaring that 100 Muslims would be killed for every Serb death. Nor can they recall his attacks on the media as information minister in the late 1990s. But they have grown up under his long tenure, during which critics and independent journalism have been suppressed and propaganda has flourished.
The students know firsthand what happens to those who challenge Mr. Vucic’s rule. They have been struck by cars at peaceful gatherings, spied on, arrested and beaten by both the police and groups with ties to organized crime — some suffering injuries such as broken jaws and skull fractures. During the election campaign, they have experienced increased intimidation and surveillance. Dozens of students have faced criminal charges; some have gone into exile for fear of reprisal.
For years, Mr. Vucic seemed to have an answer to everything. At home, he paired repression with promises of progress, channeling the opposition into institutions he controlled. Abroad, he condemned Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and refused to take part in sanctions; he welcomed Volodymyr Zelensky and allowed the convicted war criminal Ratko Mladic to be buried with military honors; he opened an Israeli drone factory and sent a representative to the funeral of Iran’s supreme leader, Ali Khamenei. He boasts of having both White House ties and Vladimir Putin’s endorsement.
The student movement has disrupted this balancing act. Unlike for much of the past 14 years, Mr. Vucic is not facing a fragmented, sluggish opposition. He is facing a generation that has built a collective identity without a single figurehead. Almost two years in, it is remarkable that this ideologically diverse movement has neither split nor formed rival factions. Unable to focus his attention on a leader, Mr. Vucic has unconvincingly spoken on behalf of “students who want to study,” in opposition to those blockading universities.
Yet the students keep laughing in the face of power. When Mr. Vucic invited Ilija Srdanovic, the cardiologist on the medical faculty in Novi Sad who heads the student list, to a televised debate, the professor answered in the language of prepaid mobile phones: “You do not have enough credit for this call.” In a bizarre response, Mr. Vucic recorded himself debating a photograph of Mr. Srdanovic and a stone — a misfired reference to the joke that even a stone would be better than Mr. Vucic.
The students have certainly earned their credit with voters. On Nov. 1, 2025, the anniversary of the Novi Sad canopy collapse, some walked hundreds of miles to the commemoration service. I watched them arrive with bloodied feet, bandaged and utterly exhausted. Some smiled through tears, as did the thousands who welcomed them. Their election campaign has been similarly courageous, calling out state corruption and promising free school textbooks, permanent employment contracts after 12 months, affordable housing and a doctor in every village.
The second anniversary of the Novi Sad tragedy falls on Nov. 1. By then, we will know whether Serbian society is ready to turn the students’ radical democratic experiment into political reality. Election Day — and election night — may be tense. Mr. Vucic says he has indications that “some from outside and some from inside” Serbia will try to spur unrest, appearing to shift responsibility for turmoil away from himself before a vote has even been cast. Given the regime’s reported role in provoking violence at protests, we are in dangerous territory.
Yet through their courage and political imagination, the students have shown that another Serbia, and another democracy, is possible. David has grown stronger and Goliath has lost his footing. The world should take note.
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
4) What We Saw at Fast-Track Trials of Riot Suspects in France
At the Tribunal de Paris, judges have supervised a carousel of expedited and often chaotic hearings for those detained during recent unrest.
By Catherine Porter and Giulia Imbert, Oct. 21, 2026
At Paris’s biggest courthouse, the reporters watched several expedited trials of people arrested during recent riots.
Police officers confronting protesters in Paris this month. Lou Benoist/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
A video production student accused of hurling cobblestones at the police and helping to build a barricade.
A teenager accused of throwing bottles, setting off fireworks and carrying stolen goods, including seven pairs of glasses.
Two friends who admitted that they had helped themselves to whiskey bottles from a ransacked supermarket to celebrate one of their birthdays.
These were among the carousel of people being tried in expedited and sometimes tumultuous fashion on Tuesday in a large glass tower of the Tribunal de Paris, France’s biggest courthouse. After days of chaos spurred by the country’s largest riots in years, this was the front line of the French state’s attempt to reassert control and punish people involved in the unrest.
By Tuesday, more than 2,500 people had been detained across the country, including about 550 in Paris. They were a small minority of the more than half a million people who joined protests on Saturday. There were still so many of them that the courthouse doubled the number of courtrooms that it typically reserves for a form of fast-track trial often used for lower-level crimes in which someone is caught red-handed.
The justice minister, Gérald Darmanin, has instructed prosecutors to seek harsh sentences. He promised to come down hard on those who turned largely peaceful protests into riots that led to attacks on government buildings and the looting of more than 3,000 businesses. He called the first convictions this week “just the beginning of the guilty verdicts.”
Mr. Darmanin has been so outspoken that on Tuesday, dozens of defense lawyers in their black capes crowded before the panel of three judges in one courtroom to denounce his actions as the politicization of justice. They reminded the judges that the protests started in September with teenagers demanding better conditions in their schools.
Through days of speculation, the country had learned little about the detainees’ identities. The government repeatedly blamed far-left insurgents and opportunistic delinquents. On television, Mr. Darmanin said that 95 percent of the detainees were men, that 70 percent were adults and that they included “people from immigrant backgrounds, people who are foreigners,” as well as “people who are fully integrated and who are French.”
The cases we observed on Tuesday — in courtrooms packed with journalists and the accused’s friends and relatives — provided some of the first glimpses of who was arrested.
Each trial lasted less than an hour, offering only snippets about a defendant’s background, making it hard to draw conclusions about them as a group.
Of the 14 cases that we followed closely, 10 involved young men, often from working-class suburbs on the edge of Paris.
Case 1: The video production student
Among the first tried on Tuesday was Victor Bertois, 21, the video production student, who lived with his parents in a suburb north of Paris.
He arrived in the glass box reserved for defendants with a purple bruise under one eye and wearing the black T-shirt that he was arrested in.
Mr. Bertois said he had joined a march on Saturday with his girlfriend to protest as a student. He said they had found themselves funneled by police officers into a central square where cops in riot gear were in a standoff with agitators.
Prosecutors accused Mr. Bertois of helping build a barricade, throwing paving stones and other projectiles at the police and screaming an abbreviation of a slur about the police. He was carrying a smoke flare, the prosecutors said.
Responding quietly, Mr. Bertois told the three judges that he didn’t throw anything, didn’t yell anything and didn’t build a barricade. His only intervention, he said, had been to pull a plank from a burning trash can to stop it catching fire. Mr. Bertois said that police officers had then charged at him, and he had fallen to the ground, where officers beat him, causing him to briefly pass out. The police were not represented in court and the interior ministry did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Mr. Bertois’s lawyer, Tristan Lawless, said his client was simply “at the wrong place at the wrong time.” Mr. Bertois, like other defendants we saw, had no criminal record.
His parents, visibly wracked with worry, were in the room. “I don’t understand what he is doing there,” his father told the judge. “I’m quite distressed.”
The head judge, Sylvie Moysan, moved quickly, allowing the father to make a witness statement from the gallery.
Fast-track trials in France are usually for lower-level crimes like traffic violations, theft or assault, often when the accused has been caught in the act. Judges have little time to cross-examine witnesses or dig into testimony. Court-appointed lawyers often have less than an hour to prepare.
In some cases on Tuesday, lawyers hadn’t met their clients. And Judge Moysan told the court that judicial staff had not had time to provide background reports on some defendants — “too many people in the holding cells.”
After less than 40 minutes, Judge Moysan adjourned Mr. Bertois’s hearing, leaving him to wait hours in a holding cell for his verdict.
Case 2: The tile setter
In the second case, Moustapha Dembele, 18, struggled to explain why he was at the protests.
“Work,” Mr. Dembele mumbled from the glass box. “Prices.”
Mr. Dembele told the court that he lived with his parents and siblings in a working-class suburb south of Paris. He has been in France since he was 8, when his family moved from Senegal, once a French colony. Citing Mr. Dembele’s case file, Judge Moysan said he was training to set tiles in buildings, but had been unemployed, supported by his parents, since an injury.
Mr. Dembele was arrested in eastern Paris around 11 p.m. on Saturday. The police said he had been throwing bottles and setting off fireworks at officers, and had screamed for help from other agitators while being arrested. He was found with seven pairs of stolen glasses and a new designer T-shirt. He said he had found them on the street.
“I didn’t know they were stolen,” he told the court.
He said he didn’t see any heavy-duty fireworks being shot at the police, nor any tear gas. “Why were you wearing a mask, then?” the judge asked.
He offered no answer.
The prosecutor recommended a 10-month prison sentence. William Word, Mr. Dembele’s court-appointed lawyer, called that “socially isolating” and “completely disproportionate” for a man with no criminal history.
After 38 minutes, the court moved onto another case.
Case 3: The friends
Haïté Langeron, 21, and Dalvys Mboukou Samba, 20, were among the last to stand trial on Tuesday. They were arrested together and tried together.
They both stepped into the box wearing black hoodies and black pants — an outfit often worn by French teenagers, and so common among the accused that it started to seem like a uniform.
Mr. Langeron had turned 21 in a holding cell, awaiting the trial.
The two friends, both from the Parisian suburbs, were arrested while running with a crowd down a street in the Marais, a chic, gentrified area of Paris.
They were carrying bottles of whiskey that they admitted they had taken from a grocery store that had been looted early in the afternoon, just after the city’s main demonstration was starting nearby.
The store owner’s lawyer told the court that the owner had barricaded himself in the basement for hours, while up to 130 people ransacked his shelves. He estimated the damages at 45,000 euros — about $50,000.
Mr. Langeron said he and his friend had found the store open and “walked around,” taking the alcohol to celebrate his birthday.
The judge noted that the police had found Mr. Langeron carrying a “window breaker,” without giving further details. Mr. Langeron said it was a “work tool.” Mr. Langeron works as a delivery driver and Mr. Mboukou Samba is looking for work.
In other cases, the evidence presented publicly was largely based on police reports. In this case, the judge pored through messages from the defendants’ phones.
“We will loot everything,” Mr. Mboukou Samba had written on Snapchat.
“I stole lots of bottles,” he wrote in another message. “We’re going to have a drink.”
Both men apologized in court.
“It’s not good what we did. Next time, we will focus on our future,” said Mr. Mboukou Samba.
“There won’t be a next time,” Mr. Langeron said.
The Verdicts
At different points on Tuesday night, all four men returned to the glass box, alongside other defendants, to hear the judges deliver verdicts in multiple cases.
All four were found guilty and given suspended prison sentences of between six and eight months, meaning that they will only be sent to jail if they are convicted of another crime in the next five years.
A civil trial was set for May to decide what compensation Mr. Langeron and Mr. Mboukou Samba should pay the store owner.
It was past 11 p.m. when the court adjourned. There were already more speed trials on the docket for Wednesday.
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
5) In France, Raging Against the Luxury Machine
The looting of stores belonging to brands like Dior, Celine and Hermès has exposed a crack in the glossy facade.
By Vanessa Friedman, Oct. 21, 2026
A vandalized Hermès storefront in Marseille, France, on Saturday. Thibaud Moritz/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
Amid all of the images and videos that emerged of the riots that took place in France over the weekend, the most shocking are those of the clock tower collapsing in Limoges after its 19th-century town hall was set alight.
Close behind, however, are the shots of looters storming the gates of luxury brands like Celine, Hermès, Louis Vuitton and Saint Laurent, breaking through the plate-glass windows that act as a scrim between the outside world and the hushed interiors that cater to the ultrarich, smashing their sparkling vitrines and looting their goods.
Of the estimated more than 3,000 shops that have been affected by the spiraling protests, including grocery stores, pharmacies and family-run operations, it is the luxury destruction that has caught much of the attention, and the imagination, of the watching world.
Whenever demonstrations are coupled with looting, they set off a conversation about wider, often inchoate, expressions of anger over inequality, not just in France but across the world. And though it would be easy to see this as yet another blip in a long history of using luxury products as a stand-in for social and economic injustice (one that stretches back to the French Revolution), it is also a response to a peculiarly contemporary reality the luxury industry itself has created.
The current situation is, after all, the third instance of physical attacks against luxury brands in the last eight years in the city that has styled itself the capital of luxury. In 2023, during the movement against government pension reform, protesters stormed the doors of the LVMH headquarters on Avenue Montaigne in Paris, waving sparklers and ultimately burning an effigy of Bernard Arnault, the billionaire owner of the group (and that year briefly the richest man in the world).
In 2019, Dior and Chanel shops on the Champs-Élysées in Paris, among other luxury emporiums, were looted during demonstrations by the Gilets Jaunes (Yellow Vests), and boarded-up storefronts became a familiar sight.
According to Serge Carreira, the director of the emerging brands initiative at the Fédération de la Haute Couture and an affiliated professor at the School of Management and Impact at Sciences Po, “France has always cultivated a love-hate relationship with luxury — proud of its global influence, suspicious of its morality and blaming its unequal essence.”
In some ways, it is exactly that influence, so assiduously cultivated by the brands themselves, that is now backfiring.
Luxury has used social media and its own cultural cachet to make itself ubiquitous in the lives of even those who can’t afford its products. Thanks to celebrity ambassadors, the transformation of fashion shows into entertainment and the red carpet into a marketing opportunity, everybody knows Dior, even if they will never buy a Dior. Ditto Louis Vuitton, Chanel, Burberry and more.
(Ironically, the weekend protests coincided with LVMH’s Journées Particulières, or Open Days, an initiative in which many of the group’s brands welcome the public into their ateliers and workshops, to share how the products are made and invite consumers into their otherwise closed world.)
But paradoxically, as these brands have held themselves up as the epitome of aspiration and taste, they have also raised their prices to such levels that they are out of reach for almost everyone. They are emotionally and psychologically seductive but practically unattainable. As a result, “most of the younger generation feels excluded from this world,” Carreira said. “There is no more dream, just envy and rage.”
Those feelings found their expression in physical annihilation. By destroying the display windows of the opulent stores, Carreira said, the protesters are destroying a system that dangles only the promise of inclusion. “They escape the norm and reach a form of materialistic fulfillment,” he said.
By appropriating the products themselves, many of which have ended up on the luxury resale and black markets, the looters seized some of what had been otherwise denied them and literally brought it out to the street.
In this context, rather than being symbols of artisanship and patrimony, as luxury brands tend to describe themselves and their offerings, their goods become emblems of excess and capitalist rot.
As far as what will happen next, Dior, Celine and Hermès either did not respond to requests for comment, declined to comment on what happened with their stores or did not say what measures they had taken to protect them. Ralph Lauren did not respond to emails.
An internal note sent to LVMH employees on Oct. 19 by Antoine Arnault, the group head of communications and sustainability, and seen by The New York Times, noted that the group had “taken the appropriate measures to ensure everyone’s safety and the continuity of our operations.” (Reportedly, private security has been hired.) He also thanked the “artisans, virtuosos and all members of our teams,” calling them “our finest ambassadors.”
As curfews are imposed in France and cities gear up for another round of protests, the government is promising increased security. “I believe Avenue Montaigne and Rue du Faubourg Saint-Honoré will be Fort Knox next weekend and any other day of protest in the next weeks,” Carreira said.
Billionaires famously love a bunker, but do the brands that serve them really want to be stuck inside?
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
6) Israeli Military Detains Brad Lander in West Bank During Volunteer Trip
Mr. Lander, a Democratic congressional nominee from New York, had been helping Palestinian farmers. He said he was released after about three hours, but that other volunteers were still in custody.
By Liam Stack, Oct. 21, 2026
Brad Lander, a former New York City comptroller who is Jewish, is a longtime advocate for Palestinian rights. Credit...Dave Sanders for The New York Times
Brad Lander, a Democratic House nominee in New York City, was detained on Wednesday in the West Bank by the Israeli military while he participated in an international delegation to harvest olives alongside Palestinian farmers.
Mr. Lander shared news of his detention on social media, where he posted a photo of himself on a bus and said he was with a group of rabbis and other volunteers. In a phone interview, he said he had been detained for roughly three hours and then released, but that dozens of Israeli and international participants in the solidarity mission remained in custody.
The annual olive harvest, which began last month, is a significant Palestinian cultural rite and an economic lifeline for Palestinian villages in the West Bank. Attacks by Israeli extremist settlers in the territory have spiked in recent weeks, the latest in a surge of settler violence against Palestinians over the last few years. Mr. Lander, who is Jewish and a longtime advocate for Palestinian rights, has called Israel’s occupation of the West Bank “a crime under international law.”
“I was eventually released and I was told I was being given a warning, that my actions were illegal and wrong, and that we had created a public disturbance and gone where we weren’t supposed to go,” Mr. Lander said in an interview from the Palestinian town of Beit Jala in the West Bank.
In a statement, the Israeli military said it had detained “dozens” of people in an area near the Israeli settlement of Beitar Illit “due to the security risk posed by conducting an uncoordinated harvest near an Israeli community.”
It did not specify the nationalities of those detained and did not specifically mention Mr. Lander. But the Israeli police issued their own statement that said that “upon learning that one of the foreigners was a candidate for Congress, he was released.”
Mr. Lander said that officials at an Israeli military facility in the West Bank had “told me specifically that they were releasing me because I’m a public official” but that he had protested because “I hadn’t done anything different from anyone else and I certainly didn’t deserve any special treatment.”
“The rabbis and others are still there in detention and we don’t know — obviously they’re under threat of deportation, and all we were doing was harvesting olives,” he added.
The international volunteers were being held at the Etzion military base in the West Bank, and the Israeli detainees were being held at the Beitar Illit police station, according to the steering committee for Protect the Harvest, a group that organizes the solidarity missions.
Israel’s foreign ministry criticized Mr. Lander in a statement later on Wednesday. It accused him of staging “reckless political theater” and said that he had “deliberately entered a restricted security area, and participated in an unauthorized activity without the required coordination.”
“Brad Lander came looking for a confrontation,” the foreign ministry said. “Now he is pretending to be its victim.”
Earlier, the Israeli military had said that “harvesting in this area requires a request to be submitted to the relevant authorities in advance of the start of the olive harvest season” and that the landowner on Wednesday “was provided with the relevant contact information to arrange a harvest at a later date.”
“As in previous years, security forces are working to facilitate a safe and orderly olive harvest season, with a firm commitment to enabling harvesting without unusual incidents or interruptions, alongside their ongoing defensive and counterterrorism missions,” the military’s statement added.
Mr. Lander said in the interview that the Palestinian owner of the grove that he and the other volunteers were working in on Wednesday had been unable to harvest olives since October 2023 because of the fear of settler violence. Mr. Lander also said that the volunteers had harvested olives on Monday and Tuesday in another area of the West Bank without incident.
The detention of Mr. Lander and the other volunteers was criticized on Wednesday by Mayor Zohran Mamdani of New York, for whom Mr. Lander is an important political ally. In a statement, Mr. Mamdani said he was glad Mr. Lander had been released, “but other New Yorkers remain detained, and they must be released immediately.”
“The same Israeli government detaining them has committed a horrific genocide against Palestinians, killing more than 74,000 people over the last few years alone,” Mr. Mamdani added, referring to the war in Gaza, which has been described as a genocide by a United Nations commission as well as by some international and Israeli human rights groups. The Israeli government has denied those findings.
“The detention of these New Yorkers must end,” Mr. Mamdani said. “The occupation must end. The genocide must end.”
Earlier this month, both Mr. Mamdani and Mr. Lander were jeered by pro-Palestinian demonstrators who disrupted an Oct. 7 anniversary vigil organized by Israelis for Peace. One of the lead organizers of that vigil, Tamar Glezerman, was also detained by the Israeli military on Wednesday, Mr. Lander said.
The delegation Mr. Lander joined is part of a long history of Israeli and international solidarity trips to Israeli-occupied territories. Such “protective presence” missions aim to use the presence of foreign nationals to shield Palestinian civilians.
But those efforts are sometimes criticized, including by some far-left activists who view them as not doing enough to denounce Israel’s treatment of Palestinians.
Nerdeen Kiswani, the co-founder of the pro-Palestinian group Within Our Lifetime, described Mr. Lander’s trip on social media as “performative solidarity.” Pro-Palestinian activists at Columbia University argued that the trip represented “a whole industry of self-serving liberal Zionists going to the West Bank to engage in normalizing ‘coexistence’ projects that end up further entrenching apartheid.”
The delegation was organized in part by several progressive groups, including Israelis for Peace, Rabbis for Human Rights and T’ruah, a human rights organization composed of rabbis, cantors and others. Mr. Lander said the mission included about 60 volunteers, including 40 foreign nationals. Most of those were Americans, he said.
In addition to Mr. Lander, the Americans detained on Wednesday included several prominent progressive rabbis, including Jill Jacobs, the chief executive of T’ruah.
In a statement, she said that the disruption of the olive harvest by settlers and Israeli security forces was part of “a systematic, state-backed campaign of ethnic cleansing aimed at driving Palestinians from their land.”
Rabbi Hannah Spiro, a rabbi from Washington, D.C., who was also detained on Wednesday, said in a text message from detention that her lawyer had told her she would most likely be deported and barred from re-entering Israel for 10 years.
She said she had been motivated to join the solidarity mission “because I love Israel, I love the land, I love Israelis and Palestinians and I love God.”
In the years since the Hamas-led attack on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, the West Bank has been the site of increasing violence by Israeli settlers that has driven out entire Palestinian communities. The violence has surged in recent months amid the olive harvest. Since late September, there have been more than 95 violent episodes connected to the harvest involving Israeli soldiers and settlers, according to Yesh Din, an Israeli human rights group that tracks extremist violence.
Within the last week, settlers in the West Bank have also attacked and badly injured a Washington Post journalist, Heidi Levine, who was covering the olive harvest, and also attacked a group of European officials and diplomats who were attending the harvest in solidarity with Palestinians.
Gabby Sobelman and Julie Hirschfeld Davis contributed reporting.
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
7) In San Francisco, a Family Earning $325,000 Qualifies for Government Aid
With the A.I. boom driving up prices, the city is subsidizing child care for households with high incomes. Even with the help, families say they are struggling.
By Heather Knight, Reporting from San Francisco, Oct. 21, 2026
Natsumi Makiyama and John Marman, a married couple in San Francisco, together make just under $235,000, qualifying them for free child care under a city program. Christie Hemm Klok for The New York Times
John Marman and Natsumi Makiyama work in health professions that would put them squarely in the upper middle class almost anywhere else in the United States.
He is a therapist, and she is a pediatric nurse. But they live with their two children in one of the priciest swaths of the country, San Francisco.
They feel squeezed — and perhaps surprisingly, City Hall agrees.
San Francisco now offers free child care to families of four earning up to $235,000 a year, including Mr. Marman and Ms. Makiyama. The city pays half the cost of child care for families making up to $325,000 a year, an eye-popping level that is more than 3.5 times the country’s median household income.
Raising a family in San Francisco, the city with the fewest children per capita in the United States, has never been easy or cheap. But the affordability crisis has soared to new levels this year as the artificial intelligence boom has driven up prices for everything. That has made life even more challenging for young families not working in the tech industry, and city leaders are desperately trying to ensure that those families don’t flee.
The child care help is one way to offset the city’s spiking housing costs, which have shot up 26 percent in the past year, prompting Mayor Daniel Lurie to recently declare a “rent emergency.”
Rents are higher in San Francisco than in any other large city in the country, according to Apartment List. The median rent for a two-bedroom apartment is now $4,640, the site said. The median cost of a single-family home in the city tops $2 million, a figure that these days would most likely buy a small, basic house in need of work.
On the housing front, Mr. Marman and Ms. Makiyama are comparatively lucky. Three years ago, as San Francisco was still recovering from the pandemic and the A.I boom had not yet exploded, the couple bought a 1,200-square-foot home on the western edge of the city for $1.3 million.
Mr. Marman, 36, brings in about $135,000 as a therapist for the city, and Ms. Makiyama, 39, is working part-time so she can stay home with their toddler son some days. Together, they make just under $235,000, qualifying for free preschool for their 4-year-old daughter.
Although they earn good salaries and own their own home, making ends meet just feels harder and harder.
Each month, they pay $6,400 for their home mortgage and $2,200 for two car payments, car insurance and gas, since they are unable to reach their jobs without their vehicles. Cell service and home Wi-Fi is another $300 per month. They put a little each month toward life insurance, their children’s college accounts and retirement.
They spend more than $150 each week on groceries and have become coupon clippers who try to make cartons of milk last longer than they used to and who visit different grocery stores on different days scouting for deals.
“I don’t want to say we’re rationing, but we’re definitely thinking about not using too much,” Mr. Marman said. “Every grain of rice is eaten, and we make sure there is no food waste. I’m the designated garbage disposal for the kids’ leftovers.”
They are saving less than they would like and will probably stop traveling for a while after annual trips to Japan to visit Ms. Makiyama’s extended family grew too expensive.
“At the end of most months, we’re struggling to find extra cash to enjoy a day out with the kids,” Mr. Marman said. “We’re very lucky to receive the benefit for school, but life is just still very tough.”
Without the school help, Mr. Marman said, they would probably have to leave San Francisco, the city where his family has lived for five generations.
Asked what he thought a family of four new to San Francisco — with no government help, no rent control, no trust funds, no foothold of any sort — would need to earn annually to lead a good, middle-class life, Mr. Marman paused.
“I think close to half a mill is the reality, which is absolutely ridiculous,” he said, noting the rest of the country would probably consider a $500,000 income for a middle-class lifestyle some kind of bad joke. “I think they would laugh at us, and honestly I think that’s fair.”
Even Mr. Lurie, the mayor who has fashioned himself San Francisco’s No. 1 hype man, did not dispute the number.
“Yes, it is an incredibly, extraordinarily expensive city to live in and to work in and to thrive,” he said in an interview in his City Hall office. “That’s why 50 percent off at $325,000 is so essential.”
Mr. Lurie, an heir to the Levi Strauss fortune whose mother is a billionaire and whose children attend elite private schools, might seem like an unlikely champion for family affordability. But, he said, any successful city needs middle-class families and the jobs they tend to fill — including nurses, therapists, police officers, firefighters, teachers and bus drivers.
“We don’t want them leaving for the suburbs or for other states,” the mayor said. “We want them here in San Francisco, and that’s what it takes, so that’s what we’re doing.”
The high salaries paid by technology companies, particularly in the booming A.I. sector, have driven up housing and other costs in San Francisco, making it less affordable for everyone who doesn’t work in the industry.
Mr. Lurie has pressed OpenAI and other local A.I. employers to help support city initiatives. “You can bet I am talking to the leaders of those companies,” he said.
But so far, those conversations have been fruitless.
The child care program is funded mostly by unused money from a commercial gross receipts tax passed by voters in 2018 to fund child care.
More than 9,300 children are enrolled at more than 550 private sites, including preschool centers and in-home day cares, and their families are saving up to $36,000 per child.
Families apply online and provide income information, and the city pays the child care center directly. The money cannot be used for private nannies or babysitters. The city spends $238 million annually to fund the program — including paying families’ subsidies, training and paying child care workers and improving facilities.
Mr. Lurie says San Francisco now has universal child care because all families can either afford to pay fully or qualify for city help.
He pointed out that while Mayor Zohran Mamdani of New York campaigned heavily on universal child care, New York City does not yet offer it to all children under 5.
“I’ll brag about that all day long,” Mr. Lurie said. (New York City has enrolled more children in child care programs than San Francisco, but given that its population is so much bigger, Mr. Mamdani’s pledge of universal care has been harder to accomplish.)
San Francisco families who take advantage of the child care assistance say that they’re grateful, but that it by no means makes life easy.
Bianca Finley, 32, and Chris Truitt, 36, use the subsidy to pay for their 3-year-old daughter’s preschool. But that is not their only strategy for curbing costs.
They gave up their rent-controlled, two-bedroom apartment in Noe Valley, an upscale neighborhood popular with families, that cost them $4,017 per month. They moved to a studio in the Tenderloin, a lower-income neighborhood, and pay $2,280 per month.
They are documenting the move on Instagram under the handle “The Poor Millennials.”
Both Ms. Finley and Mr. Truitt work in the wine industry, which has taken a beating in the past several years, and together earn $153,600 annually. They said they had grown tired of having a roommate in Noe Valley and of not being able to pay down credit card debt.
So far, they are happy with their decision, becoming experts in space-saving techniques like building a coffee table that turns into their daughter’s bed at night. But sometimes, they acknowledged, it is frustrating trying to get by in the city they love against the backdrop of such stark income inequality.
“We are trying to keep our mindsets focused on: Just because the system around us is broken doesn’t mean we have to be,” Ms. Finley said.
San Francisco is so pricey, even some people working in the booming A.I. industry get City Hall help. Emma Hare, a legislative aide at City Hall, and her husband, who works at an A.I. start-up related to robotics, bring in just over $300,000 per year and qualify for 50 percent off their son’s child care.
Ms. Hare’s policy brain thinks about whether a city’s role is to “help the median resident or have a really strong social safety net” for the poor, she said.
Her mom brain thinks about the opportunities her son will have growing up in San Francisco — the parks, the museums, the culture, the beauty — and has decided the daily stress is worth it.
Mr. Marman has landed on that answer, too. And for now, he isn’t going anywhere.
“We love this city. We believe in this city,” he said. “This is home.”
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
8) U.S. and Israel Draw Up Plans for Renewed Strikes on Iran After Elections
Renewed hostilities might not be any more successful than the war’s first phase, and President Trump has repeatedly canceled plans for a return to major combat.
By Julian E. Barnes, Eric Schmitt, Farnaz Fassihi, Natan Odenheimer and Ronen Bergman, Oct. 21, 2026
The reporters have been covering the U.S.-Israeli war against Iran.
The U.S. and Israeli militaries have developed specific plans for renewed strikes against Iran after the American midterm elections, according to U.S. officials and other people briefed on the deliberations.
As planning for a short but intensive operation progresses, the U.S. and Israeli militaries have stepped up exercises, flying planes over Iraq to practice strike maneuvers. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth met with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Israel this week to discuss new strikes, U.S. officials said.
The targets would likely include Iran’s energy infrastructure, nuclear facilities, and missile and drone arsenal. Some officials say one more big round of attacks could push Iran’s economy over the brink and force the country to make diplomatic concessions after nearly eight months of conflict.
Still, there are reasons to be skeptical that a renewed war would be any more successful than the first phase of intense U.S.-Israeli strikes between February and April. Those rounds of fighting drove up energy prices and inflation around the world, eroded security in the Middle East and severely strained the Pentagon’s supply of missile interceptors.
It is also far from certain Mr. Trump will approve fresh strikes. Repeatedly this year he has vetoed plans for a return to major combat operations, including this month when the U.S. and Israeli militaries were nearly ready to attack.
All of the officials interviewed for this article spoke on the condition of anonymity to candidly discuss military planning.
Iranian officials have promised to retaliate this time by expanding their targets beyond commercial ships and energy infrastructure in the region to data centers and underwater internet cables.
They say the fighting will neither be quick nor limited.
While the United States is assembling a massive arsenal that will be fully in place by early November, diplomatic efforts have continued, as U.S. negotiators use the potential return to war as leverage with Iran to make progress on their demands on its nuclear program and control over the Strait of Hormuz.
So far, however, Iran’s negotiators have been unwilling to make concessions on the nuclear program, insisting on deferring that issue until later in the talks.
Some U.S. planners are convinced that an intensive three-day campaign could cause enough economic damage to change the Iranian position.
But U.S. officials have frequently predicted Iran’s collapse, and other Western officials noted that Iran’s government has so far weathered the pressures on its economy.
“At this point in the war, what is clear is that the conventional military campaign waged to date, and the current punishing economic sanctions and American naval blockade, have not brought the regime back to the negotiating table in a meaningful way,” said Dana Stroul, who served as the Pentagon’s top Middle East policy official in the Biden administration.
Neither Mr. Trump nor Mr. Netanyahu “has made a compelling case for how more war would change this strategic dilemma in an increasingly unstable and conflict-ridden region,” said Ms. Stroul, who is now with the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.
Israel’s election, on Oct. 27, could complicate the plans. If Mr. Netanyahu loses, he will become a caretaker prime minister, and it will be difficult for him to launch a war, experts say.
But some analysts believe that Mr. Netanyahu could leverage the prospect of an imminent joint U.S.-Israel strike to pressure his rivals into joining a unity government to manage the war, which would extend his hold on power.
After Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, Mr. Netanyahu formed a unity government that brought some opposition members into a war cabinet to help make national security decisions.
“He could use this to call for a broad emergency government, but he will face deep suspicion from his political rivals,” said Mazal Mualem, an Israeli political commentator and the author of a biography of Mr. Netanyahu.
“If Iran attacks, that’s one thing, but initiating an offensive strike would be extremely difficult for him.”
Officials say there is a small possibility that Mr. Trump could decide to begin a campaign this month, but there are many political reasons that he is likely to wait until after the U.S. election, not least his own promise early this month not to strike before the vote.
The United States will not have its full complement of military assets — including three aircraft carriers, thousands of Marines, fighter jets and Special Operations forces — in place until early November. The U.S. military prefers to conduct attacks under the cover of night, and there will be increasing hours of darkness over Iran early next month.
There are also concerns that the war could spiral into a larger conflict. On Wednesday, the U.S. State Department ordered nonemergency government employees and their families to leave Saudi Arabia, as the Iran-backed Houthi militia continues to attack sites there.
A White House official said on Wednesday the administration does not comment on military plans “that may or may not exist.” Mr. Trump, the official added, was keeping all options on the table to ensure that Iran cannot acquire nuclear weapons.
Some officials say the targeting will avoid refineries and oil infrastructure because Mr. Trump is eager to prevent even higher gas prices.
Both the U.S. and Israel militaries are drafting plans for operations against Iran’s nuclear program, according to people briefed on the work. That could include an attack on Pickaxe Mountain, a deeply buried nuclear site that Iranians call Kooh Kolang.
Mr. Trump said last week that he was considering using a 22,000-pound GBU-43/B Massive Ordnance Air Blast bomb, or MOAB, against Pickaxe. Officials say Mr. Trump is enamored with the weapon in part because of its nickname, Mother of All Bombs.
But weapons specialists say that the MOAB explodes above ground, producing a wide blast, and would not likely destroy an underground site like Pickaxe, which is composed of granite. Military officials also warn that the bomb must be delivered by a slow-flying MC-130 transport plane that would be vulnerable to Iranian antiaircraft fire.
Israel and the United States came close to striking Iran early this month, but Mr. Trump again decided at the last minute to postpone the attack, according to U.S. and Israeli defense officials familiar with the details. The decision came shortly before the operation was to begin, after both militaries had made extensive preparations and placed their air forces on the highest state of alert.
The repeated planning efforts followed by Mr. Trump’s decisions against new attacks has caused “day-to-day whiplash” among military planners, said one commander, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss operational matters, as they try to stay poised to carry out whatever military option Mr. Trump decides in the coming weeks.
In each round of the war so far, Iran’s leadership has become less conciliatory, convinced that the ultimate U.S. and Israeli goal is to topple its government.
Iran’s new supreme leader, Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei, remains an enigma to U.S. and Israeli intelligence officials. Some officials say he is not as powerful as his father, who was killed early in the war, and that hard-line members of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps make key decisions.
Iranian officials say they are aware of the American war planning and have been developing their own new targets and tactics.
Peiman Salehi, a political analyst in Tehran, said that if Pickaxe is attacked, part of Iran’s plans to retaliate would be to strike major oil refineries in Saudi Arabia, including Aramco, because that would immediately spike oil and energy prices.
“The war has made us understand that the best leverage for pressuring Trump is increasing oil and energy prices because it will hurt the American people,” Mr. Salehi said.
Mahdi Mohammadi, a senior adviser to Iran’s negotiator Gen. Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, said on social media this week that the idea that the United States would wrap up another round of strikes on Iran within 72 hours was a “fantasy” and that Iran would determine when the war would end. He noted that Mr. Trump said in February that the war would last two weeks.
“Our attacks will be more fierce, creative and different,” Mr. Mohammadi said. “We are determined and confident, and strong planning has been put in place.”
Reporting was contributed by Tyler Pager, Erika Solomon, Jonathan Swan and Adam Rasgon.
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
9) Why Did an ICE Officer Shoot This Man?
A year later, and with a bullet lodged in his spine, José García-Sorto still wants answers.
By Allison McCann Photographs by Daniele Volpe, Oct. 21, 2026
Allison McCann first spoke with José García-Sorto when he was in immigration detention and later met him at his home in Gualcince, Honduras.
By Allison McCann Photographs by Daniele Volpe
The last thing José García-Sorto remembers after being shot in the chest is being pulled from his car, pinned to the pavement and handcuffed, his blood pooling around him on a Phoenix interstate. All he could think about was what would happen to his two young children if he died.
Mr. García-Sorto had awoken early that morning, before 4 a.m., to get to his job framing houses. He drank a single cup of coffee, said goodbye to his wife and told her he would be back after work.
He did not know that Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers had been surveilling his apartment complex that morning, or that agents had been there three days earlier looking for someone else. ICE officers had run the license plates of cars parked at the complex and identified 18 other “targets.” One of them was Mr. García-Sorto, a Honduran immigrant.
A few minutes after he left home, he said, a vehicle pulled up close and flashed its lights. “I thought it was the police,” he recalled, speaking in Spanish.
He said he pulled off the highway onto the exit ramp, where a truck abruptly pulled in front of him. Then a car hit him from behind. He stopped his car just as two more unmarked vehicles surrounded him. Several officers jumped out. “Suddenly, they were there with their guns drawn, pointing them right at me,” he said.
It was dark, but he remembered seeing around seven officers, most of them in tactical gear, their faces obscured by masks. One pounded on the driver’s side window, demanding that he open the door. That’s when he realized the officers were from ICE. He refused; he was afraid.
An officer smashed open the driver’s side window, Mr. García-Sorto said, and then he felt something fly past him. That was the first shot. The second bullet hit him squarely in the chest.
“‘Why did you do it? Why did you shoot me?’” Mr. García-Sorto, now 25, recalled asking the officers as they pulled him from the car. He had crossed the border illegally in 2023 but had no criminal record.
He doesn’t remember much of the hours after that. An ambulance arrived and transported him to a hospital. His lung had collapsed, his liver had been lacerated and a bullet had lodged in his spine.
Later, when he woke up, he saw that his hands and feet were handcuffed to the hospital bed. Several F.B.I. agents were there, waiting to speak with him.
ICE officers are trained to fire their weapons only if there is an imminent danger to themselves or to the public. But Mr. García-Sorto was never charged with a crime as a result of the encounter on the Phoenix highway — suggesting the authorities did not find evidence that he had put anyone in danger, and calling into question the reason he was shot at all.
The shooting took place last October, about nine months into President Trump’s mass deportation campaign. In the year since, strikingly similar episodes have played out again and again. In Houston, Maine and New York City, immigration arrests during vehicle stops have turned violent — or worse, fatal.
All told, federal immigration agents have fired upon at least 25 people since Mr. Trump returned to office, killing six of them and injuring most of the others.
Family members and lawmakers continue to plead for independent investigations and accountability, but the federal government has not made public a single investigation into these shootings.
Even less is understood about the consequences for the people who are shot, many of whom are largely forgotten as soon as the next violent episode occurs. Mr. García-Sorto’s experience, which he allowed The New York Times to document over several months, offers a rare view into the aftermath of these events — from the days he spent in the hospital until his deportation to Honduras, where he now lives with his wife and children.
He still doesn’t know who shot him or why.
“These incidents just get left as they are, nothing happens,” he said. “Someone like me isn’t worth anything.”
The evidence
The Department of Homeland Security’s version of events is this: Mr. García-Sorto initially stopped his car, but as ICE officers approached on foot, he began to drive away. An officer who was in the path of the vehicle feared for his life and fired two shots, a spokesperson for the agency said.
Both shots passed through the front windshield on the passenger’s side, photographs of the car show.
No video of the shooting has surfaced. Videos taken by a local news station about 30 minutes afterward show Mr. García-Sorto’s car was surrounded on three sides by unmarked federal vehicles, with a steep gravel embankment to its left. The front wheels of the car were turned to the left, away from where the bullets entered the windshield.
A transcript of the 911 call placed at the time sheds some light on the circumstances. An officer told the dispatcher that the officers at the scene were not physically injured, though one was “having hyperventilation issues.” The apprehension “went south,” another officer explained.
The response by D.H.S. to shootings involving ICE officers has often followed a playbook. The agency quickly issues a statement saying the shooting was justified and the officer fired defensively. The Justice Department then brings charges of assaulting a federal officer against the person who was shot, though many of those cases have fallen apart in court.
But that’s not what happened to Mr. García-Sorto.
The F.B.I. investigated the shooting, but no charges were brought against him. Brooke Brennan, a spokeswoman for the F.B.I.’s Phoenix office, declined to share the results of the investigation with The Times and referred questions about charging decisions to the U.S. attorney’s office.
Esther Winne, a spokeswoman for the U.S. attorney in Arizona, said the office would not comment on its reasons for declining the case. The officer did not face charges, either.
Facing mounting public backlash, ICE recently issued new guidance instructing officers not to make vehicle stops if they had not completed specific training. The agency also mandated that officers wear and activate their body cameras. But during a recent shooting in Austin, Texas, the officer who fired his weapon wasn’t wearing one.
The hospital
After the shooting, Mr. García-Sorto was admitted to the Deer Valley Medical Center in northern Phoenix in critical condition. His medical record said he had symptoms “consistent with a significant degree of immediate risk to life.”
One of the doctors who treated him that morning said that the most pressing concern was his collapsed lung. (The doctor spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of repercussions at work.) A chest tube was inserted to drain the blood from the area around Mr. García-Sorto’s lung. The doctors then moved on to his liver — he needed an embolization to stop the bleeding.
They decided not to remove the bullet from his spine because the retrieval would have created more issues than leaving it alone, the doctor said. He was prescribed antibiotics to fight any potential infection from the bullet.
Over the next few days, Mr. García-Sorto was in and out of consciousness, but he was improving. He said the F.B.I. agents had advised him to hire a lawyer.
The doctor who treated Mr. García-Sorto said federal agents asked repeatedly about his status, whether he needed to remain at the hospital and why. The D.H.S. spokesperson said claims that officers would pressure doctors to release a patient were false.
A week after he arrived, he was released into ICE custody. His medical records described him as “stable for transportation and detention,” but Mr. García-Sorto said that when he stood up to leave the hospital, he collapsed. People had to help carry him out. “I couldn’t walk much because I felt like I was suffocating,” he said.
All this time, his wife, Yanely Benítez, wasn’t sure whether he was dead or alive, or what she should tell their children. “I knew nothing,” Ms. Benítez recalled in Spanish. “My children wouldn’t eat, and my son would fall asleep at the doorway, crying for his father.”
D.H.S. said publicly that Mr. García-Sorto had been taken to a hospital, but nobody had told her where. She tried calling a few local hospitals herself, but none had a patient by his name. The family didn’t yet have a lawyer or anyone to help.
She didn’t hear from him until he was out of the hospital and in ICE custody, at an immigration detention facility about an hour away from Phoenix.
Life before
The youngest of eight, Mr. García-Sorto attended school until only the sixth grade. His father, José Lucio García, said he was a happy child who was “pretty strong” and would often join him at work, harvesting corn and beans in the hillsides of Gualcince, a small town on the western edge of Honduras.
He met Ms. Benítez when he was 20, and by the time they welcomed their first child together about a year later, he was eager to make his way to the United States to find work. Most of his siblings had done the same.
In early 2023, he traveled by bus through Guatemala and Mexico before crossing the border on foot in the desert near Eagle Pass, Texas. Ms. Benítez and their young son joined him about four months later.
They started out living in Florida with one of his sisters, but Mr. García-Sorto heard that the construction jobs in Arizona paid better, and they soon moved to Phoenix.
For the next two years, they started to build a life there. Mr. García-Sorto had a steady job in construction and Ms. Benítez worked a cleaning job at a mall. They welcomed a second child, a daughter, in late 2024 — the first U.S. citizen in the family.
Just before the shooting, Mr. García-Sorto had gotten a promotion, and his pay had increased to $250 a day, up from $180 for a 12-hour shift. He and Ms. Benítez threw a bumblebee-themed party for their daughter’s first birthday and made plans to look for a bigger apartment.
“He always said that his dream was to work, and to give his children a better future,” said his older sister, who spoke on condition of anonymity because she feared being targeted by ICE.
Detention
Mr. García-Sorto’s discharge paperwork from the hospital instructed him to take Zofran, for nausea, and oxycodone, for pain, every four to six hours over the next week. He said he received neither of these medications in detention, only ibuprofen.
The paperwork also said that he should schedule a follow-up appointment in a trauma clinic within 10 days for “continued treatment,” and that he should see a neurologist “as soon as possible.” Neither happened, he said.
In detention, Mr. García-Sorto kept to himself. He ate his meals, which he hated — they were mostly white bread with mortadella — and then went immediately back to his bed to lie down.
Whenever he could, he called his wife and children. He missed Christmas and his son’s fourth birthday.
He said that throughout this time, he was in serious pain. “I was dying in there, but I didn’t say anything to them,” he said.
The D.H.S. spokesperson disputed Mr. García-Sorto’s account of his treatment while in custody. The spokesperson said he received all prescribed medications and follow-up care, and that he “consistently reported feeling good.”
After nearly three months, he received a follow-up chest X-ray and saw a doctor, his medical records show. He said that he left the detention facility for the appointment, but that the physician examined him only briefly and told him he was doing fine. The only symptom noted on his medical record from this visit was rib pain.
When he was first detained, his family scrambled to find a lawyer who could help get him out. But it wasn’t until mid-December that they finally found one in Dallas willing to take on his case.
Even though he was not criminally charged, Mr. García-Sorto had little recourse for remaining in the United States. At his final hearing in immigration court in March, he was ordered to be removed to Honduras.
Deported
In early April, Mr. García-Sorto boarded a flight to San Pedro Sula with nearly 300 other people, everyone shackled.
Ms. Benítez and their two children decided to leave the United States soon after. She sold Mr. García-Sorto’s car for a couple thousand dollars, packed two suitcases and left most of their belongings behind. She said she received $2,000 from the federal government for self-deporting and spent about $1,500 on the three plane tickets home.
The days pass slowly in Gualcince, where the landscape is dotted with half-built remittance houses, their unfinished frames and open windows patiently awaiting more funding from abroad.
Mr. García-Sorto said he missed working, which is out of the question now. “My chest hurts and I’m always short of breath,” he said.
It’s difficult for him to stand for long periods of time, or to bend over to pick up or play with his children. Ms. Benítez has not found work either — they live in his parents house and rely on extended family members for help. Most meals are simple plates of rice and beans.
“I feel like my life was snatched away from me,” Mr. García-Sorto said. “Over there, I gave my little ones everything. But here, it’s just so difficult.”
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
10) Palestinian Voters Could Determine Israel’s Future
By Rula Hardal, Oct. 22, 2026
Dr. Hardal is a co-director of A Land for All and a research fellow at the Shalom Hartman Institute in Jerusalem.
It is a bitter moment for the Palestinian citizens of Israel who will go to the polls on Oct. 27. We are part of a national election in a state that is practicing the most devastating war, ethnic cleansing and violence against our people since the Nakba of 1948. Insecurity, after all, changes the meaning of political participation.
The attacks of Oct. 7, the war in Gaza and the political transformation inside Israel have forever altered the relationship among Palestinian citizens of Israel, the state and the Palestinian national question. Palestinian citizens are not only citizens of Israel, they are part of the larger Palestinian people whose experience over the past three years cannot be separated from what happens inside Israel.
Being a Palestinian Israeli voter is a paradox: We are asked to participate in a political system that does not treat us as an equal part of that democracy. Many of Israel’s political parties, including those seeking to replace Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, continue to resist the idea of an Arab party participating in a governing coalition. At the same time, some of them also understand that a high Palestinian turnout could help change the government.
In other words, our vote is important enough to impact the future of Israel, but most of the candidates still consider us to be unacceptable partners in governing. These questions became particularly urgent in September when Israel’s Central Elections Committee voted to disqualify the two Arab-majority parties from participating in this election. The Supreme Court overturned the decision, allowing them to run, though one candidate, Sami Abu Shehadeh, withdrew his candidacy after a public campaign against him.
Amid all of this, the daily lives of Palestinian citizens of Israel are growing more precarious. In recent years, organized crime has transformed life in many Palestinian communities: In 2025, 252 Arab citizens were killed in violent crimes — a record high. For many, the recent spike in crime is not simply experienced as a failure of policing. It is also seen an expression of unequal citizenship and racist policies that exacerbate a long-held sense of state-led mistreatment. In the best case, we are seen as second- or third-class citizens; in the worst, we are enemies. The experience of abandonment is real.
When people are worried about shootings and the safety of their children, the question of who will govern Israel can feel distant. When the state cannot protect you, why should you believe that changing the government will change your life?
All of this is precisely why Palestinian Israelis cannot afford to withdraw — and why the current campaign underway in Israel to increase Palestinian turnout matters. It is not simply a campaign for more votes. It is a struggle over our existence in our homeland.
In the run-up to this month’s vote, activists, civic organizations and political actors have been telling people that these elections matter, that staying home is not a neutral choice and that Palestinian citizens need to be part of changing the current government, first and foremost for their own lives and futures. There is no illusion that a single election will transform their day-to-day lives or resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The hope is to replace a government that has presided over years of war and devastation, and to stop or limit the most extreme forms of racism and violence against all Palestinians.
Recent polls show that neither the parties supporting Mr. Netanyahu nor those seeking to replace him have a clear path to a 61-seat majority in Israel’s parliament, the Knesset. The nation’s two Arab-majority lists, Raam and the Joint List alliance, are currently projected to win roughly 13 to 15 seats. The votes they could receive will play a crucial role in the effort to get rid of the current government.
An equally important question is what their participation means at a moment when their relationship with the Israeli political system has become so deeply strained, both by the consensus among many Israeli Zionist parties not to build a coalition with any Arab party and by their clear message that the politics of Israel belongs only to the Jewish majority.
This is also where Palestinian citizens have to look critically at their own political leadership, patterns and discourses. There is deep disappointment among voters with both Arab-led parties over their divisions, internal rivalries, inability to sustain a united political framework and what I see as failures of transparency and accountability.
The two Arab-majority parties reflect two very different ideas of Palestinian political agency in Israel. Raam has sought to use Palestinian votes as political capital — to negotiate with the politicians in power to secure concrete gains for Arab communities on housing, infrastructure, economic development and personal security. The Joint List, a political alliance composed of three parties, Hadash, Ta’al and Balad, places greater emphasis on Palestinian national identity, equality and structural political change.
Both approaches respond to real needs, but neither alone seems adequate in the post-Oct. 7 moment. The failure to bring the major Arab parties back under one umbrella is not simply a matter of bad electoral tactics. It reinforces the feeling that Palestinian political leadership has not found a way to respond collectively to our radically changed reality.
Despite the internal criticism, it’s hard to ask Palestinian political leadership to reinvent itself while the political space available to Palestinian citizens is shrinking. It is impossible to develop a new politics while Palestinian identity is increasingly viewed by Jewish parties through the language of security and loyalty.
The reality is that our vote matters. The winning coalition may need to join forces with one or both of the Arab parties to secure a majority. This election may reveal that Palestinian citizens have enough electoral weight to influence the political balance in Israel, even as people feel they have so little control over their own lives. Our communities are consumed by violence. Our political parties are divided. Our representatives are often delegitimized before they even enter the coalition conversation. But we can play a significant role in changing the direction of this country.
The real challenge after Oct. 7 and during the war and ethnic cleansing is therefore not simply to increase Palestinian voter turnout, to win more seats or to influence the next coalition. It is to dismantle institutional and legal structures that perpetuate Jewish domination and supremacy, ensure genuine equality of rights and address the Palestinian question as a national one. For Israeli Jews and Palestinians alike, it requires a mutual recognition of the need for historical reconciliation and an equal, shared future — one that can secure the lives, national aspirations and dignity of both peoples.
That future cannot be built, however flawed the political system may be, without political participation — including the imperfect but indispensable act of voting.
The actual building will begin in the days after Oct. 27. The results of the election and the next government in Israel are critical in shaping the future of both Palestinians and Israeli Jews in the whole region. This will be another milestone in an ongoing struggle.
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
11) Employers Shift Rising Health Care Costs Onto Millions of Workers
New surveys show that increases in premiums and deductibles are forcing people to forgo treatments or doctor’s visits while budgets are strained by higher food and gas prices.
By Reed Abelson, Oct. 22, 2026
As the cost of health care has risen in recent years, many companies have passed a greater share of the costs to their workers. Credit...Hyoung Chang/The Denver Post
Working families are paying much more for health insurance this year, with many postponing doctor’s visits, treatments or filling prescriptions. The number of uninsured Americans is rising as more people wrestle with unpaid medical bills.
This is the stark picture emerging from two surveys released Thursday that show how millions of people in the United States are struggling to keep up with sharply climbing medical costs in recent years.
As the midterm elections approach, Americans are ranking health care near or at the top of their financial concerns, according to a recent poll from KFF, a nonprofit health research group.
Roughly six in 10 adults reported they were very or somewhat worried about affording care.
The majority of Americans — about 157 million — get insurance through their employer. But as costs for coverage have spiked, with increases in the high single digits, businesses have been shifting much more of the additional expenses onto their workforces.
Employees are paying more for coverage, especially if they work for a small business, according to KFF, which released its an annual survey of employers about their health benefits.
Many people are also paying thousands of dollars in medical expenses when they get sick, because companies have increased the plans’ deductibles to offset increases in premiums.
The yearly price, on average, for employees to cover their family is now $7,471 a year, up 9 percent from 2025. The total cost for a family plan, including the amount the employer contributes to the annual premiums, has reached $28,303.
Overall, the average deductible for U.S. workers is approaching $2,000 before insurance kicks in, according to the survey.
“People tell us in polls that their health care costs are their top cost-of-living concern, tied with gas prices. The fact that workers’ share of premiums went up almost three times faster than inflation in 2026 helps explain why,” said Drew Altman, the president and chief executive of KFF, in an email.
Harder hit are employees of small companies, defined as those with fewer than 200 workers, whose paychecks have been shrinking as premiums increase, according to the KFF survey. On average, they are paying $9,687 a year for coverage.
More than a third of people working at a small employer have annual deductibles of $3,000 or more.
Companies are also erecting new hurdles for workers to get care, like cumbersome approval processes for expensive drugs or treatments, the KFF survey found. Another way that businesses are trying to lower costs has been to restrict employees’ choices of doctors or hospitals.
“Employers are paying the equivalent of buying an economy car for each employee who has family health insurance coverage, and in 2026 they offloaded more of that cost to workers,” Mr. Altman said. KFF surveyed more than 1,900 employers with at least 10 workers.
For their part, employers attribute higher costs to several factors, including hospital care, expensive new cancer therapies and expanding coverage of GLP-1 medications for obesity and diabetes.
The rollbacks in government programs like Medicaid and the Affordable Care Act have also left more people without health coverage, according to a separate survey from the Commonwealth Fund, a nonprofit research foundation that analyzes Americans’ experience with insurance every other year. The fund has been a longtime supporter of the A.C.A. and other efforts to expand coverage.
The share of working-age adults who are uninsured rose to 11.2 percent in 2026 from 8.9 percent in 2024, the Commonwealth study showed. Conducted from early May through mid-July, the study has provided one of the first indications of whether people no longer enrolled in Medicaid and Obamacare found other sources of insurance.
The increase in the uninsured rate over the last two years “was really notable,” said Sara R. Collins, a senior scholar at the fund who led the Commonwealth research.
After Obamacare was enacted in 2010, the number of working-age adults and children without insurance fell from around 46 million to a low of about 25 million three years ago. The government changes and soaring medical costs across the broader health sector have fueled a backslide in coverage, bringing the estimated number this year to 30 million uninsured, according to the Congressional Budget Office.
The Trump administration is expected to release official figures on the number of uninsured Americans next year.
The recent increase is statistically significant, Ms. Collins said, and the previous Commonwealth estimates of the uninsured rate have been lower than the official government figures and generally tracked in the same direction.
The Commonwealth survey also noted that about 12 percent of working-age adults reported a gap or lapse in their insurance, the same share as in 2022.
The increase in the uninsured rate was not unexpected, with some estimates showing that nearly five million people dropped their individual coverage. Many were no longer able to afford their Obamacare insurance after President Trump and Republican lawmakers declined to extend pandemic-era subsidies that had helped defray the cost of a typical plan.
Enrollment in Medicaid, the federal-state program for the poor, has also been declining, although the bulk of the cuts to that program as part of Mr. Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act do not take place until next year. Over the last four years, the share of working-age adults enrolled in Medicaid dropped from 15.5 percent to 13 percent, according to Commonwealth.
But the Commonwealth survey, which was based on telephone and online interviews among a sample of 9,360 adults, also underscored how financially insecure people have become about their ability to pay for medical care. The number of people who said they had delayed or skipped care altogether because of the expense increased to 50 percent this year from 46 percent in 2022, according to the survey.
“These reports show the reason why health care costs are at the top of voter concern and outrage,” said Anthony Wright, the executive director of Families USA, a left-leaning consumer advocacy group.
The deepening strains on household budgets are also evident as the rate of medical debt or unpaid bills keeps rising, affecting even those who are insured. About a third of adults with individual policies and those with coverage from an employer reported they were paying off medical bills or medical debt they had already incurred, according to the Commonwealth Fund.
People without insurance tend to have lower levels of medical debt, Ms. Collins of Commonwealth said. “You just use less care if you don’t have insurance coverage.”
The survey found that most Americans believed the federal government had a responsibility to ensure that people had coverage, although Democrats and independents expressed that belief more strongly than Republicans.
“They are mad at hospitals and drug companies and insurers for charging so much,” said Mr. Wright of Families USA. “They are furious at Congress for not reining them in.”
Employers and insurers “have never addressed, not in a significant way, the drivers of health care costs,” Ms. Collins said. “Health care costs are the thing that drives premiums and deductibles.”
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*..........*
