Bay Area United Against War Newsletter, November 9, 2022



Leonard Peltier’s Walk to Justice Demands Release of Political Prisoner

By Stephanie Pavlick and Kit Baril

Minneapolis, Minnesota – On September 1, Leonard Peltier’s Walk to Justice departed from Minneapolis, Minnesota. The march will pass through multiple cities, finally ending in Washington, DC on November 14. Rallies and prayer sessions will be held along the route. The walk is being coordinated by the American Indian Movement Grand Governing Council to demand elder Leonard Peltier’s release from federal prison.


Leonard Peltier’s fight for justice

Leonard Peltier has been unjustly held as a political prisoner by the U.S. government for over 46 years, making him one of the world’s longest incarcerated political prisoners. He is the longest held Native American political prisoner in the world. Peltier was wrongly convicted and framed for a shooting at Oglala on June 26, 1975.


At the time, members of the Lakota Nation on the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation were being endlessly terrorized and targeted by paramilitaries led by the corrupt, U.S.-government backed tribal chairman Dick Wilson. 64 people were killed by these paramilitaries between 1973 and 1975. The Lakota people called on the American Indian Movement (AIM) for protection, and Peltier answered the call. During the night of June 26, 1975, plainclothes FBI officers raided the AIM encampment at Pine Ridge Indian Reservation. A shootout ensued, and two FBI officers, Jack Coler and Ronald Williams, and one Native man, Joe Stuntz, were left dead.


In the ridiculous trial that followed, the two other Native defendants, Bob Robideau and Dino Butler, were completely exonerated. Peltier, on the other hand, was used to make an example. The FBI coerced a statement from a Native woman who had never met Peltier at the time she gave her statement. This false evidence was used to extradite Peltier from Canada, where he had fled after the shootout, and is used to imprison Peltier to this day.


The struggle continues

Leonard’s true “crime” is daring to fight back against the everyday oppression Native people face under the imperialist regime of the United States. Growing up on the Turtle Mountain Indian Reservation in North Dakota, Leonard lived through the U.S. government’s genocidal programs to forcibly assimilate Native peoples. Recently, Peltier opened up about his experiences in the Wahpeton Indian School. This was one of many boarding schools used to brutalize Native children into leaving behind their culture. Children were beaten constantly, especially for practicing any portions of their culture or speaking their language. Many didn’t make it out alive. This was part of the U.S. government‘s larger policy of intensifying attacks on the sovereignty of the First Nations. These experiences, among many more, led Peltier to become a member of the American Indian Movement to continue the fight back against genocide of Native peoples.


Peltier is a lifelong liberation fighter who has sacrificed immensely for the movement. He is also a 77-year-old elder with numerous chronic health problems, exacerbated by his fight with COVID earlier this year. Despite his innocence and health problems, the U.S. government has refused repeated calls for clemency for Peltier. Throughout his years of imprisonment, many have demanded Peltier’s freedom, including Nelson Mandela and, most recently, a UN Human Rights Council working group.


The time for Leonard Peltier to finally be released from prison is now. Join the fight  to free Leonard Peltier, and to free all political prisoners!


There are many ways to support the march and strengthen the call to free Peltier. These include:


·      Joining all or part of the walk

·      Joining a rally

·      Sponsoring the caravan with a hot prepared meal

·      Dry food donations

·      Hosting lodging/camping

·      Driving a support vehicle

·      Raising awareness of Peltier’s cause locally

·      Promoting the caravan and rally

Monetary donations (can be sent via PayPal here)

Those interested in volunteering with the caravan can sign up here.


Learn more about Leonard Peltier and his case here:



Liberation News, September 3, 2022




The World Stands with Cuba

U.N. General Assembly Votes 185-2 (U.S. and Israel)

to Condemn U.S. Blockade

For the 30th consecutive time, the United Nations General Assembly voted overwhelmingly yesterday in support of a resolution calling for the lifting of the U.S. Blockade of Cuba. The final vote this year was 185 countries in favor of the resolution, just two — the United States and its loyal ally Israel — voting against, and two others, Ukraine and Brazil, abstaining. Brazil is of course, in the final days of control by the right-wing Bolsonaro government. Next year we know that a Lula-led government will join the vote in favor of the resolution. Colombia, which abstained last year, voted Yes to Cuba this year, thanks to its new progressive government.


As usual, Cuba's Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez delivered an eloquent denunciation of the blockade, carefully enumerating not only the immense financial damage that has been done to the Cuban economy, but also the far-reaching effects it has on all Cuban society. You can watch the speech of Cuba's Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez Parrilla here. The U.S. representative delivered the usual hypocritical talk about its "concern" for the Cuban people; afterwards, Cuba exercised its right to reply and delivered a stinging rebuke to the U.S. You can watch that speech here.


The debate at the United Nations was accompanied by demonstrations in cities across the United States in the week preceding the vote. Thursday's demonstration in San Francisco on the day of the vote, with more than a dozen organizations, is seen below. Check our Twitter feed and follow us! (@CubaVenezCte) for videos of the action.


Read Cuba's Annual Report on the Effects of the Blockade

Every year, Cuba releases a detailed report outlining the damaging effects of the U.S. Blockade on the Cuban economy and on the Cuban people. In economic terms alone, just since President Joe Biden took office, the Cuban economy has suffered $6.4 Billion worth of damages. Read the full report here (pdf):




Support the Hatuey Project

The Hatuey Project is continuing its fundraising efforts to offer our solidarity to Cuba as it continues to recover from the extensive damage caused by Hurricane Ian, recovery efforts which are of course hampered by the U.S. Blockade. Please contribute what you can here. All donations are tax-deductible:



Cuba and Venezuela Solidarity Committee 

415-821-6545 * info@cuba-venezuela.org

Formerly the National Committee to Free the Cuban Five (U.S.)

Cuba and Venezuela Solidarity Committee | 2969 Mission St., San Francisco, CA 94110





Freedom for Mumia Abu-Jamal Update

The struggle continues!

At 12:45pm October 26, 2022, a proposed order denying Mumia Abu-Jamal’s constitutional claims of jury bias and suppressed evidence was issued by Common Pleas court Judge Lucretia Clemons.


Abu-Jamal’s defense petition included newly discovered evidence that had been buried in the prosecutor’s own files.  This evidence documented key witnesses receiving promises of money for their testimony and evidence of favorable treatment in pending criminal cases. The petition also documented the abhorrent and unconstitutional practice of striking Black jurors during Mumia’s original trial. 


Racism remains the ELEPHANT in the room.   


“I am going to help them fry the n---word”--Original trial court Judge Albert Sabo said this in front of court clerk Terri Maurer Carter and fellow Common Pleas Court judge Richard Kline during the first week of Mumia’s 1982 trial.  


Philadelphia ADA Jack McMahon made the policy clear in a 1986 training tape stating that getting “a competent, fair and impartial jury. Well, that's ridiculous,'…“You don't want smart people. But if you're sitting down and you're going to take Blacks, you want older Blacks." https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ag2I-L3mqsQ


If you put thick blinders on that block out all reality and rely on procedural minutia for cover, honestly, it is still impossible to avoid the scorchingly blatant racism of trial judge Albert Sabo, Assistant District Attorney Joseph McGill, Mayor and former police chief Frank Rizzo, District Attorney during Mumia’s trial Ed Rendell, and Ron Castille DA on appeal.


Yesterday, Judge Lucretia Clemons in her oral statements from the bench continued a common practice of adopting wholesale the Philadelphia District Attorney’s positions. These positions only seek to preserve convictions at all costs.  These arguments prevent the defense from putting on the record evidence of discrimination.  PCRA procedural rules such as time bar, due diligence, waiver, previously litigated, all avoid a judicial review of the merits.


The racism is so transparent and indefensible so the DA is using court created law to dismiss cases before hearing new suppressed evidence. This is a blatantly dishonest practice routinely used by the prosecution and the courts when everyone knows, and I mean everyone knows, that racism was a hallmark of the original trial.


Striking Blacks from the Jury

Judge Clemons stated that she was dismissing the claim of striking Black jurors on procedural grounds, without addressing the merits of the claim.  She suggested that former counsel for the defense had not sought prosecutor McGill’s previously buried notes (notes that highlight his impermissible race based tracking and discrimination). Clemons adopts the prosecution position that the defense had the opportunity to receive these notes by merely asking the prosecution or cross examining ADA McGill in prior court proceedings. This is a key and deliberate misreading of the record. At no time were these crucial notes and the motivations that guided ADA McGill ever available to the defense. McGill struck Black jurors at a 71% rate, significantly higher than the strike rate for white jurors. His reasons for seating some white jurors and not seating nonwhite jurors were not on the record, they were in his notes.


One only has to look at the McMann training tapes that were made by the Philadelphia DA’s office which instructed district attorney’s how to strike black jurors. These were made after Mumia’s trial but they document the practice which was the norm in the office.  This is the context for this ruling which misstates the record and ignores the reality in these Philadelphia courtrooms.  Judge Lucretia Clemons and her law clerks complained on the record about how long it took them to find Pennsylvania cites to bolster their opinion.  Why is Judge Clemons working so hard to avoid the elephant in the room?


Suborning Perjury: Paying Witnesses

Additionally, at issue is the note from supposed “eye witness” Robert Chobert that asked ADA McGill after the trial “where is the money that is owe to me?” This note was scrubbed from any filings and buried by the prosecution for 40 years. This dramatic “Brady evidence” previously unavailable to the defense, was dismissed by the Judge in her written opinion as not “being material.” Meaning it would not have affected the jury’s verdict.  Underlying this is the wholesale adoption of the credibility determinations of the original trial court judge Albert “I am going to help them fry the n---word” Sabo.  It allows his racist tainted rulings to stand.


She also dismissed records from ADA McGill that extensively track and monitor another key witness Cynthia White, who’s pending criminal cases were ALL were dropped by the prosecution following her testimony.


How can the court ignore the context.  Note this information which follows had been previously prevented from being added to the record by Albert Sabo and other judges on appeal:


Photos from the Philadelphia Bulletin that prove Robert “I was on probation, did not have a license to drive a cab, and threw a Molotov cocktail into a school for pay” Chobert was not parked at the scene of the shooting. Chobert could not have witnessed the shooting. He was NOT parked directly behind the officer’s car as he claimed to be.  The answer is: because the PCRA (Post Conviction Relief Act) allows the dismissal of this critical evidence through by time bar.


Finally, Judge Lucretia Clemons admonished the defense to limit their briefs challenging her proposed ruling to cite Pennsylvania law.  It is commonly understood here, rather than being the birthplace of liberty, Pennsylvania is the place where the US Supreme Courts constitutional standards for criminal defendants are the very last place to be honored.


This case proves that racism reigns unabated in the American justice system, Mumia Abu-Jamal is the canary in the coal mine.   


Judge Clemons’ 31pg proposed opinion will be available today, 10-27-22. The Defense has 20 days to reply, and prosecution given 10 additional days to respond before the court’s order dismissing Mumia’s request for a new trial becomes final and appealable.  


Mumia Abu-Jamal has spent 42 years in prison for the death of Philadelphia Police officer Daniel Faulkner on Dec. 9th 1981. He has maintained his innocence and has sought his freedom by appealing to the very courts that now seek to preserve his unjust and unconstitutional conviction. At age 67 he has spent 42 years in prison.


Mumia Abu-Jamal is a broadcast journalist and internationally recognized author. Mr. Abu-Jamal is serving a life sentence at SCI Mahanoy in Pennsylvania. He is the author of 13 books, holds a Master’s degree in Comparative Literature and is currently working on the requirements to complete a PhD in the History of Consciousness Department at University of California Santa Cruz.


Noelle Hanrahan, Esq. nhanrahanlaw@gmail.com 415-793-7958 www. Prisonradio.org


Every act matters.  Stand up. Join us as we launch Love Not Phear.


Cuando luchamos ganamos, When We Fight, We Win


Noelle Hanrahan

Prison Radio Co-Director




Urgent support needed for cancer-stricken, imprisoned writer/artist, Kevin “Rashid” Johnson’s Legal Fund!


Cash App: $Solidarity2RIBPP


Prostate cancer can be cured if discovered and treated before it spreads (metastasizes) beyond the prostate. But once it spreads it becomes incurable and fatal.

Rashid's prostate cancer was discovered over a year ago and diagnosed by biopsy months ago, before it had spread or any symptoms had developed. However, he has now developed symptoms that indicate it likely has metastasized, which would not have happened if he had begun receiving treatment earlier. Denied care and delayed hospital appointments continue, which can only be intended to cause spreading and worsening symptoms.

I just received word from Rashid through another prisoner where he is, that he was transported on October 25, 2022 to the Medical College of Virginia (MCV) hospital, which is a state hospital where Virginia Department of Corrections (VDOC) officials also work. MCV appears to have a nefarious relationship with the VDOC in denying prisoners needed treatment. Upon arrival to the hospital he was told the appointment had been rescheduled, which has now become a pattern.

The appointment was for a full body PET scan to determine if and to what degree his cancer has metastasized. When he met with a radiologist on October 4, 2022, after 3 prior re-schedulings, there was concern that his cancer may have spread because of symptoms he's begun developing. This is his fourth rescheduled hospital appointment which has delayed appointments for weeks to months, preventing him from receiving care.

Because of delayed testing and denied care Rashid has developed symptoms that continue to worsen, which include internal bleeding and pain. The passage of time without care is worsening his condition and making the likelihood of death from the spread of his cancer more certain.

Here is the new donation link for Rashid's legal fund.



The US sanctions and embargo are preventing Cuba from rebuilding after Hurricane Ian.

The Biden Administration needs to act right now to help the Cuban people. Hurricane Ian caused great devastation. The power grid was damaged, and the electrical system collapsed. Over four thousand homes have been completely destroyed or badly damaged. 

Cuba must be allowed, even if just for the next six months, to purchase the necessary construction materials to REBUILD. Cubans are facing a major humanitarian crisis because of Hurricane Ian.

Please share, and submit your letter to President Biden today!








Doctors for Assange Statement


Doctors to UK: Assange Extradition

‘Medically & Ethically’ Wrong 



Ahead of the U.K. Home Secretary’s decision on whether to extradite Julian Assange to the United States, a group of more than 300 doctors representing 35 countries have told Priti Patel that approving his extradition would be “medically and ethically unacceptable”.


In an open letter sent to the Home Secretary on Friday June 10, and copied to British Prime Minster Boris Johnson, the Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice Robert Buckland, the Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and the Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong, the doctors draw attention to the fact that Assange suffered a “mini stroke” in October 2021. They note:


“Predictably, Mr Assange’s health has since continued to deteriorate in your custody. In October 2021 Mr. Assange suffered a ‘mini-stroke’… This dramatic deterioration of Mr Assange’s health has not yet been considered in his extradition proceedings. The US assurances accepted by the High Court, therefore, which would form the basis of any extradition approval, are founded upon outdated medical information, rendering them obsolete.”


The doctors charge that any extradition under these circumstances would constitute negligence. They write:


“Under conditions in which the UK legal system has failed to take Mr Assange’s current health status into account, no valid decision regarding his extradition may be made, by yourself or anyone else. Should he come to harm in the US under these circumstances it is you, Home Secretary, who will be left holding the responsibility for that negligent outcome.”


In their letter the group reminds the Home Secretary that they first wrote to her on Friday 22 November 2019, expressing their serious concerns about Julian Assange’s deteriorating health.


Those concerns were subsequently borne out by the testimony of expert witnesses in court during Assange’s extradition proceedings, which led to the denial of his extradition by the original judge on health grounds. That decision was later overturned by a higher court, which referred the decision to Priti Patel in light of US assurances that Julian Assange would not be treated inhumanely.


The doctors write:


“The subsequent ‘assurances’ of the United States government, that Mr Assange would not be treated inhumanly, are worthless given their record of pursuit, persecution and plotted murder of Mr Assange in retaliation for his public interest journalism.”


They conclude:


“Home Secretary, in making your decision as to extradition, do not make yourself, your government, and your country complicit in the slow-motion execution of this award-winning journalist, arguably the foremost publisher of our time. Do not extradite Julian Assange; free him.”


Julian Assange remains in High Security Belmarsh Prison awaiting Priti Patel’s decision, which is due any day.



Sign the petition:


If extradited to the United States, Julian Assange, father of two young British children, would face a sentence of 175 years in prison merely for receiving and publishing truthful information that revealed US war crimes.

UK District Judge Vanessa Baraitser has ruled that "it would be oppressive to extradite him to the United States of America".

Amnesty International states, “Were Julian Assange to be extradited or subjected to any other transfer to the USA, Britain would be in breach of its obligations under international law.”

Human Rights Watch says, “The only thing standing between an Assange prosecution and a major threat to global media freedom is Britain. It is urgent that it defend the principles at risk.”

The NUJ has stated that the “US charges against Assange pose a huge threat, one that could criminalise the critical work of investigative journalists & their ability to protect their sources”.

Julian will not survive extradition to the United States.

The UK is required under its international obligations to stop the extradition. Article 4 of the US-UK extradition treaty says: "Extradition shall not be granted if the offense for which extradition is requested is a political offense." 

The decision to either Free Assange or send him to his death is now squarely in the political domain. The UK must not send Julian to the country that conspired to murder him in London.

The United Kingdom can stop the extradition at any time. It must comply with Article 4 of the US-UK Extradition Treaty and Free Julian Assange.



Dear friends, 

Recently I’ve started working with the Coalition to Free Ruchell Magee. On March 17, Ruchell turned 83. He’s been imprisoned for 59 years, and now walks with a walker. He is no threat to society if released. Ruchell was in the Marin County Courthouse on August 7, 1970, the morning Jonathan Jackson took it over in an effort to free his older brother, the internationally known revolutionary prison writer, George Jackson. Ruchell joined Jonathan and was the only survivor of the shooting that ensued. He has been locked up ever since and denied parole 13 times. On March 19, the Coalition to Free Ruchell Magee held a webinar for Ruchell for his 83rd birthday, which was a terrific event full of information and plans for building the campaign to Free Ruchell. (For information about his case, please visit: www.freeruchellmagee.org.)

Below are two ways to stream this historic webinar, plus 

• a petition you can sign

• a portal to send a letter to Governor Newsom

• a Donate button to support his campaign

• a link to our campaign website. 

Please take a moment and help. 

Note: We will soon have t-shirts to sell to raise money for legal expenses.

Here is the YouTube link to view the March 19 Webinar: 


Here is the Facebook link:


Sign the petition to Free Ruchell:


Write to Governor Newsom’s office:




Ruchell’s Website: 



Charlie Hinton


No one ever hurt their eyes by looking on the bright side



Tell Congress to Help #FreeDanielHale


U.S. Air Force veteran, Daniel Everette Hale has recently completed his first year of a 45-month prison sentence for exposing the realities of U.S drone warfare. Daniel Hale is not a spy, a threat to society, or a bad faith actor. His revelations were not a threat to national security. If they were, the prosecution would be able to identify the harm caused directly from the information Hale made public. Our members of Congress can urge President Biden to commute Daniel's sentence! Either way, Daniel deserves to be free.





Laws are created to be followed

by the poor.

Laws are made by the rich

to bring some order to exploitation.

The poor are the only law abiders in history.

When the poor make laws

the rich will be no more.


—Roque Dalton Presente!

(May 14, 1935 – Assassinated May 10, 1975)[1]

[1] Roque Dalton was a Salvadoran poet, essayist, journalist, political activist, and intellectual. He is considered one of Latin America's most compelling poets.







Screenshot of Kevin Cooper's artwork from the teaser.


 “In His Defense” The People vs. Kevin Cooper

A film by Kenneth A. Carlson 

Teaser is now streaming at:



Posted by: Death Penalty Focus Blog, January 10, 2022



“In his Defense,” a documentary on the Kevin Cooper case, is in the works right now, and California filmmaker Kenneth Carlson has released a teaser for it on CarlsonFilms.com


Just over seven months ago, California Gov. Gavin Newsom ordered an independent investigation of Cooper’s death penalty case. At the time, he explained that, “In cases where the government seeks to impose the ultimate punishment of death, I need to be satisfied that all relevant evidence is carefully and fairly examined.”


That investigation is ongoing, with no word from any of the parties involved on its progress.


Cooper has been on death row since 1985 for the murder of four people in San Bernardino County in June 1983. Prosecutors said Cooper, who had escaped from a minimum-security prison and had been hiding out near the scene of the murder, killed Douglas and Peggy Ryen, their 10-year-old daughter, Jessica, and 10-year-old Chris Hughes, a friend who was spending the night at the Ryen’s. The lone survivor of the attack, eight-year-old Josh Ryen, was severely injured but survived.


For over 36 years, Cooper has insisted he is innocent, and there are serious questions about evidence that was missing, tampered with, destroyed, possibly planted, or hidden from the defense. There were multiple murder weapons, raising questions about how one man could use all of them, killing four people and seriously wounding one, in the amount of time the coroner estimated the murders took place.


The teaser alone gives a good overview of the case, and helps explain why so many believe Cooper was wrongfully convicted.



New Legal Filing in Mumia’s Case

By Johanna Fernández

The following statement was issued January 4, 2022, regarding new legal filings by attorneys for Mumia Abu-Jamal.

Campaign to Bring Mumia Home

In her novel Their Eyes Were Watching God, Zora Neale Hurston wrote, “There are years that ask questions, and years that answer.”

With continued pressure from below, 2022 will be the year that forces the Philadelphia District Attorney’s Office and the Philly Police Department to answer questions about why they framed imprisoned radio journalist and veteran Black Panther Mumia Abu-Jamal. Abu-Jamal’s attorneys have filed a Pennsylvania Post Conviction Relief Act (PCRA) petition focused entirely on the six boxes of case files that were found in a storage room of the DA’s office in late December 2018, after the case being heard before Judge Leon Tucker in the Court of Common Pleas concluded. (tinyurl.com/zkyva464)

The new evidence contained in the boxes is damning, and we need to expose it. It reveals a pattern of misconduct and abuse of authority by the prosecution, including bribery of the state’s two key witnesses, as well as racist exclusion in jury selection—a violation of the landmark Supreme Court decision Batson v. Kentucky. The remedy for each or any of the claims in the petition is a new trial. The court may order a hearing on factual issues raised in the claims. If so, we won’t know for at least a month. 

The new evidence includes a handwritten letter penned by Robert Chobert, the prosecution’s star witness. In it, Chobert demands to be paid money promised him by then-Prosecutor Joseph McGill. Other evidence includes notes written by McGill, prominently tracking the race of potential jurors for the purposes of excluding Black people from the jury, and letters and memoranda which reveal that the DA’s office sought to monitor, direct, and intervene in the outstanding prostitution charges against its other key witness Cynthia White.

Mumia Abu-Jamal was framed and convicted 40 years ago in 1982, during one of the most corrupt and racist periods in Philadelphia’s history—the era of cop-turned-mayor Frank Rizzo. It was a moment when the city’s police department, which worked intimately with the DA’s office, routinely engaged in homicidal violence against Black and Latinx detainees, corruption, bribery and tampering with evidence to obtain convictions. 

In 1979, under pressure from civil rights activists, the Department of Justice filed an unprecedented lawsuit against the Philadelphia police department and detailed a culture of racist violence, widespread corruption and intimidation that targeted outspoken people like Mumia. Despite concurrent investigations by the FBI and Pennsylvania’s Attorney General and dozens of police convictions, the power and influence of the country’s largest police association, the Fraternal Order of Police (FOP) prevailed. 

Now, more than 40 years later, we’re still living with the failure to uproot these abuses. Philadelphia continues to fear the powerful FOP, even though it endorses cruelty, racism, and multiple injustices. A culture of fear permeates the “city of brotherly love.”

The contents of these boxes shine light on decades of white supremacy and rampant lawlessness in U.S. courts and prisons. They also hold enormous promise for Mumia’s freedom and challenge us to choose Love, Not PHEAR. (lovenotphear.com/) Stay tuned.

Workers World, January 4, 2022


Pa. Supreme Court denies widow’s appeal to remove Philly DA from Abu-Jamal case


Abu Jamal was convicted by a jury of first-degree murder of Faulkner in 1982. Over the past four decades, five of his appeals have been quashed.


In 1989, the state’s highest court affirmed Abu-Jamal’s death penalty conviction, and in 2012, he was re-sentenced to life in prison.


Abu-Jamal, 66, remains in prison. He can appeal to the state Supreme Court, or he can file a new appeal.


KYW Newsradio reached out to Abu-Jamal’s attorneys for comment. They shared this statement in full:


“Today, the Superior Court concluded that it lacked jurisdiction to consider issues raised by Mr. Abu-Jamal in prior appeals. Two years ago, the Court of Common Pleas ordered reconsideration of these appeals finding evidence of an appearance of judicial bias when the appeals were first decided. We are disappointed in the Superior Court’s decision and are considering our next steps.


“While this case was pending in the Superior Court, the Commonwealth revealed, for the first time, previously undisclosed evidence related to Mr. Abu-Jamal’s case. That evidence includes a letter indicating that the Commonwealth promised its principal witness against Mr. Abu-Jamal money in connection with his testimony. In today’s decision, the Superior Court made clear that it was not adjudicating the issues raised by this new evidence. This new evidence is critical to any fair determination of the issues raised in this case, and we look forward to presenting it in court.”



Demand Mumia's Freedom:

Governor Tom Wolf -1(717) 787-2500  Fax 1 (717) 772-8284
Office of the Governor
508 Main Capitol Building
HarrisburgPA  17120    
After calling the governor, send an online communication about our concerns.   https://www.governor.pa.gov/contact/#PhoneNumber
Let us know what there response was, Thank you.  Mobilization4Mumia@gmail.com


Questions and comments may be sent to: info@freedomarchives.org



A Plea for the Compassionate Release of 

Leonard Peltier

Video at:


Screen shot from video.

Sign our petition urging President Biden to grant clemency to Leonard Peltier.




Email: contact@whoisleonardpeltier.info

Address: 116 W. Osborne Ave. Tampa, Florida 33603


Bury My Heart with Leonard Peltier

How long will he still be with us? How long will the genocide continue?

By Michael Moore

—VIA Email: michaelmoore@substack.com

LEONARD PELTIER, Native American hero. An innocent man, he’s spent 44 years as a political prisoner. The prosecutor who put him behind bars now says Peltier is innocent. President Biden, go to Mass today, and then stop this torture. (Sipa/Shutterstock)

American Indian Movement leader, Leonard Peltier, at 77 years of age, came down with Covid-19 this weekend. Upon hearing this, I broke down and cried. An innocent man, locked up behind bars for 44 years, Peltier is now America’s longest-held political prisoner. He suffers in prison tonight even though James Reynolds, one of the key federal prosecutors who sent Peltier off to life in prison in 1977, has written to President Biden and confessed to his role in the lies, deceit, racism and fake evidence that together resulted in locking up our country’s most well-known Native American civil rights leader. Just as South Africa imprisoned for more than 27 years its leading voice for freedom, Nelson Mandela, so too have we done the same to a leading voice and freedom fighter for the indigenous people of America. That’s not just me saying this. That’s Amnesty International saying it. They placed him on their political prisoner list years ago and continue to demand his release.


And it’s not just Amnesty leading the way. It’s the Pope who has demanded Leonard Peltier’s release. It’s the Dalai Lama, Jesse Jackson, and the President Pro-Tempore of the US Senate, Sen. Patrick Leahy. Before their deaths, Nelson Mandela, Mother Theresa and Bishop Desmond Tutu pleaded with the United States to free Leonard Peltier. A worldwide movement of millions have seen their demands fall on deaf ears. 


And now the calls for Peltier to be granted clemency in DC have grown on Capitol Hill. Senator Brian Schatz (D-HI), the head of the Senate committee who oversees the Bureau of Indian Affairs, has also demanded Peltier be given his freedom. Numerous House Democrats have also written to Biden. 


The time has come for our President to act; the same President who appointed the first-ever Native American cabinet member last year and who halted the building of the Keystone pipeline across Native lands. Surely Mr. Biden is capable of an urgent act of compassion for Leonard Peltier — especially considering that the prosecutor who put him away in 1977 now says Peltier is innocent, and that his US Attorney’s office corrupted the evidence to make sure Peltier didn’t get a fair trial. Why is this victim of our judicial system still in prison? And now he is sick with Covid.


For months Peltier has begged to get a Covid booster shot. Prison officials refused. The fact that he now has COVID-19 is a form of torture. A shame hangs over all of us. Should he now die, are we all not complicit in taking his life? 


President Biden, let Leonard Peltier go. This is a gross injustice. You can end it. Reach deep into your Catholic faith, read what the Pope has begged you to do, and then do the right thing. 


For those of you reading this, will you join me right now in appealing to President Biden to free Leonard Peltier? His health is in deep decline, he is the voice of his people — a people we owe so much to for massacring and imprisoning them for hundreds of years. 


The way we do mass incarceration in the US is abominable. And Leonard Peltier is not the only political prisoner we have locked up. We have millions of Black and brown and poor people tonight in prison or on parole and probation — in large part because they are Black and brown and poor. THAT is a political act on our part. Corporate criminals and Trump run free. The damage they have done to so many Americans and people around the world must be dealt with. 


This larger issue is one we MUST take on. For today, please join me in contacting the following to show them how many millions of us demand that Leonard Peltier has suffered enough and should be free:


President Joe Biden


Phone: 202-456-1111

E-mail: At this link



Secretary of the Interior Deb Haaland


Phone: 202-208-3100

E-mail: feedback@ios.doi.gov


Attorney General Merrick Garland


Phone: 202-514-2000

E-mail: At this link



I’ll end with the final verse from the epic poem “American Names” by Stephen Vincent Benet: 


I shall not rest quiet in Montparnasse.

I shall not lie easy at Winchelsea.

You may bury my body in Sussex grass,

You may bury my tongue at Champmedy.

I shall not be there. I shall rise and pass.

Bury my heart at Wounded Knee.



PS. Also — watch the brilliant 1992 documentary by Michael Apted and Robert Redford about the framing of Leonard Peltier— “Incident at Oglala”



The Moment

By Margaret Atwood*


The moment when, after many years 

of hard work and a long voyage 

you stand in the centre of your room, 

house, half-acre, square mile, island, country, 

knowing at last how you got there, 

and say, I own this, 


is the same moment when the trees unloose 

their soft arms from around you, 

the birds take back their language, 

the cliffs fissure and collapse, 

the air moves back from you like a wave 

and you can't breathe. 


No, they whisper. You own nothing. 

You were a visitor, time after time 

climbing the hill, planting the flag, proclaiming. 

We never belonged to you. 

You never found us. 

It was always the other way round.


*Witten by the woman who wrote a novel about Christian fascists taking over the U.S. and enslaving women. Prescient!



Union Membership—2021

Bureau of Labor Statistics

U.S. Department of Labor

For release 10:00 a.m. (ET) Thursday, January 20, 2022

Technical information: 

(202) 691-6378 • cpsinfo@bls.gov • www.bls.gov/cps

Media contact: 

(202) 691-5902 • PressOffice@bls.gov

In 2021, the number of wage and salary workers belonging to unions continued to decline (-241,000) to 14.0 million, and the percent who were members of unions—the union membership rate—was 10.3 percent, the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics reported today. The rate is down from 10.8 percent in 2020—when the rate increased due to a disproportionately large decline in the total number of nonunion workers compared with the decline in the number of union members. The 2021 unionization rate is the same as the 2019 rate of 10.3 percent. In 1983, the first year for which comparable union data are available, the union membership rate was 20.1 percent and there were 17.7 million union workers.

These data on union membership are collected as part of the Current Population Survey (CPS), a monthly sample survey of about 60,000 eligible households that obtains information on employment and unemployment among the nation’s civilian noninstitutional population age 16 and over. For further information, see the Technical Note in this news release.

Highlights from the 2021 data:

• The union membership rate of public-sector workers (33.9 percent) continued to be more than five times higher than the rate of private-sector workers (6.1 percent). (See table 3.)

• The highest unionization rates were among workers in education, training, and library occupations (34.6 percent) and protective service occupations (33.3 percent). (See table 3.)

• Men continued to have a higher union membership rate (10.6 percent) than women (9.9 percent). The gap between union membership rates for men and women has narrowed considerably since 1983 (the earliest year for which comparable data are available), when rates for men and women were 24.7 percent and 14.6 percent, respectively. (See table 1.)

• Black workers remained more likely to be union members than White, Asian, or Hispanic workers. (See table 1.)

• Nonunion workers had median weekly earnings that were 83 percent of earnings for workers who were union members ($975 versus $1,169). (The comparisons of earnings in this news release are on a broad level and do not control for many factors that can be important in explaining earnings differences.) (See table 2.)

• Among states, Hawaii and New York continued to have the highest union membership rates (22.4 percent and 22.2 percent, respectively), while South Carolina and North Carolina continued to have the lowest (1.7 percent and 2.6 percent, respectively). (See table 5.)

Industry and Occupation of Union Members

In 2021, 7.0 million employees in the public sector belonged to unions, the same as in the private sector. (See table 3.)

Union membership decreased by 191,000 over the year in the public sector. The public-sector union membership rate declined by 0.9 percentage point in 2021 to 33.9 percent, following an increase of 1.2 percentage points in 2020. In 2021, the union membership rate continued to be highest in local government (40.2 percent), which employs many workers in heavily unionized occupations, such as police officers, firefighters, and teachers.

The number of union workers employed in the private sector changed little over the year. However, the number of private-sector nonunion workers increased in 2021. The private-sector unionization rate declined by 0.2 percentage point in 2021 to 6.1 percent, slightly lower than its 2019 rate of 6.2 percent. Industries with high unionization rates included utilities (19.7 percent), motion pictures and sound recording industries (17.3 percent), and transportation and warehousing (14.7 percent). Low unionization rates occurred in finance (1.2 percent), professional and technical services (1.2 percent), food services and drinking places (1.2 percent), and insurance (1.5 percent).

Among occupational groups, the highest unionization rates in 2021 were in education, training, and library occupations (34.6 percent) and protective service occupations (33.3 percent). Unionization rates were lowest in food preparation and serving related occupations (3.1 percent); sales and related occupations (3.3 percent); computer and mathematical occupations (3.7 percent); personal care and service occupations (3.9 percent); and farming, fishing, and forestry occupations (4.0 percent).

Selected Characteristics of Union Members

In 2021, the number of men who were union members, at 7.5 million, changed little, while the number of women who were union members declined by 182,000 to 6.5 million. The unionization rate for men decreased by 0.4 percentage point over the year to 10.6 percent. In 2021, women’s union membership rate declined by 0.6 percentage point to 9.9 percent. The 2021 decreases in union membership rates for men and women reflect increases in the total number of nonunion workers. The rate for men is below the 2019 rate (10.8 percent), while the rate for women is above the 2019 rate (9.7 percent). (See table 1.)

Among major race and ethnicity groups, Black workers continued to have a higher union membership rate in 2021 (11.5 percent) than White workers (10.3 percent), Asian workers (7.7 percent), and Hispanic workers (9.0 percent). The union membership rate declined by 0.4 percentage point for White workers, by 0.8 percentage point for Black workers, by 1.2 percentage points for Asian workers, and by 0.8 percentage point for Hispanic workers. The 2021 rates for Whites, Blacks, and Hispanics are little or no different from 2019, while the rate for Asians is lower.

By age, workers ages 45 to 54 had the highest union membership rate in 2021, at 13.1 percent. Younger workers—those ages 16 to 24—had the lowest union membership rate, at 4.2 percent.

In 2021, the union membership rate for full-time workers (11.1 percent) continued to be considerably higher than that for part-time workers (6.1 percent).

Union Representation

In 2021, 15.8 million wage and salary workers were represented by a union, 137,000 less than in 2020. The percentage of workers represented by a union was 11.6 percent, down by 0.5 percentage point from 2020 but the same as in 2019. Workers represented by a union include both union members (14.0 million) and workers who report no union affiliation but whose jobs are covered by a union contract (1.8 million). (See table 1.)


Among full-time wage and salary workers, union members had median usual weekly earnings of $1,169 in 2021, while those who were not union members had median weekly earnings of $975. In addition to coverage by a collective bargaining agreement, these earnings differences reflect a variety of influences, including variations in the distributions of union members and nonunion employees by occupation, industry, age, firm size, or geographic region. (See tables 2 and 4.)

Union Membership by State

In 2021, 30 states and the District of Columbia had union membership rates below that of the U.S. average, 10.3 percent, while 20 states had rates above it. All states in both the East South Central and West South Central divisions had union membership rates below the national average, while all states in both the Middle Atlantic and Pacific divisions had rates above it. (See table 5 and chart 1.)

Ten states had union membership rates below 5.0 percent in 2021. South Carolina had the lowest rate (1.7 percent), followed by North Carolina (2.6 percent) and Utah (3.5 percent). Two states had union membership rates over 20.0 percent in 2021: Hawaii (22.4 percent) and New York (22.2 percent).

In 2021, about 30 percent of the 14.0 million union members lived in just two states (California at 2.5 million and New York at 1.7 million). However, these states accounted for about 17 percent of wage and salary employment nationally.

Coronavirus (COVID-19) Pandemic Impact on 2021 Union Members Data

Union membership data for 2021 continue to reflect the impact on the labor market of the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic. Comparisons with union membership measures for 2020, including metrics such as the union membership rate and median usual weekly earnings, should be interpreted with caution. The onset of the pandemic in 2020 led to an increase in the unionization rate due to a disproportionately large decline in the number of nonunion workers compared with the decline in the number of union members. The decrease in the rate in 2021 reflects a large gain in the number of nonunion workers and a decrease in the number of union workers. More information on labor market developments in recent months is available at: 

www.bls.gov/covid19/effects-of-covid-19-pandemic-and- response-on-the-employment-situation-news-release.htm.



Resources for Resisting Federal Repression

Since June of 2020, activists have been subjected to an increasingly aggressive crackdown on protests by federal law enforcement. The federal response to the movement for Black Lives has included federal criminal charges for activists, door knocks by federal law enforcement agents, and increased use of federal troops to violently police protests. 

The NLG National Office is releasing this resource page for activists who are resisting federal repression. It includes a link to our emergency hotline numbers, as well as our library of Know-Your-Rights materials, our recent federal repression webinar, and a list of some of our recommended resources for activists. We will continue to update this page. 

Please visit the NLG Mass Defense Program page for general protest-related legal support hotlines run by NLG chapters.

Emergency Hotlines

If you are contacted by federal law enforcement you should exercise all of your rights. It is always advisable to speak to an attorney before responding to federal authorities. 

State and Local Hotlines

If you have been contacted by the FBI or other federal law enforcement, in one of the following areas, you may be able to get help or information from one of these local NLG hotlines for: 

National Hotline

If you are located in an area with no hotline, you can call the following number:

Know Your Rights Materials

The NLG maintains a library of basic Know-Your-Rights guides. 

WEBINAR: Federal Repression of Activists & Their Lawyers: Legal & Ethical Strategies to Defend Our Movements: presented by NLG-NYC and NLG National Office

We also recommend the following resources: 

Center for Constitutional Rights

Civil Liberties Defense Center

Grand Jury Resistance Project

Katya Komisaruk

Movement for Black Lives Legal Resources

Tilted Scales Collective






1) We Advised Biden on the Pandemic. Much Work Remains to Face the Next Crisis.

By Ezekiel J. Emanuel, David Michaels, Rick Bright and Michael T. Osterholm, Oct. 19, 2022

The authors were members of President Biden’s advisory board on Covid-19, which counseled him during the presidential transition period on how to respond to the pandemic.


George Wylesol

We are nearly three years into the Covid-19 pandemic, a health crisis so long, disruptive and deadly, it should have transformed the country’s preparation for the next public health emergency. Sadly, it has not.


We say this as members of President Biden’s Covid advisory board in the weeks before he took office. We have since followed and been part of the public health response to the pandemic. We are deeply dismayed by what has been left undone.


Improvements have emerged, of course. Foremost among them, the rapid development of vaccines, the widespread use of at-home testing and the adoption of environmental surveillance such as sampling of wastewater systems to predict community surges.


But these few successes only underscore how much more should and could have been done — and still needs to be done. There were many opportunities that would have permanently improved American health and the public health system. They have not yet been pursued. There is no question other health crises lie ahead. We need to assess the opportunities squandered or missed in the Covid pandemic and seize them now.


Even among the successes, there is much room for improvement.


Rapid, low-cost at-home testing could be deployed to detect multiple infectious agents at once. There is still no comprehensive reporting system for individuals to easily submit their at-home test results to public health agencies, rendering a broad swath of infections across the country invisible to officials trying to slow their spread. Likewise, the national reporting system for collecting and testing samples from wastewater treatment systems for Covid remains limited, uncoordinated and insufficiently standardized for a robust national surveillance system. If public health officials can’t track the data to mobilize a response to a crisis, the information that has been collected doesn’t do much good.


Congress’s unwillingness to appropriate federal money deserves much of the blame. But the failures are not all attributable to financial limitations. There has been a retreat from pandemic preparedness.


Perhaps the most important missed opportunity was the failure to prioritize systematic improvement of indoor air quality. All sorts of respiratory infections, including flu and common colds, as well as asthma and other medical conditions, arise because of airborne pathogens and particulate matter.


Early research from Italy suggested that six air replacements per hour in classrooms could reduce Covid infection risk by 80 percent. A study in California in 2013 found a significant reduction in student absences with improved ventilation. Other studies suggest improved cognitive functioning for adults and children with better indoor air. Air quality has been improved in some buildings and restaurants, but the effort has been haphazard. Most buildings left out, not surprisingly, include those where lower-income children and adults live, work or attend school, breathing air that is unhealthy.


To improve this situation, national indoor air quality standards should be set, and buildings should be required to post whether they meet those standards. The initial focus should be on schools, nursing homes, assisted-living facilities, jails and prisons and other high-risk congregate settings.


The United States also needs to enhance its data collection and analysis. Throughout the pandemic, the country relied on data from Israel, Britain and South Africa to track the appearance of new variants and to measure the effectiveness of vaccination. Recognizing this, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention created an analytic branch to develop those capabilities. But analysis is only as good as the underlying data, and little has been done to bring the collection and integration of public health information into the digital age.


The C.D.C., the country’s principal public health agency, has acknowledged that it lacks a data infrastructure with clear standards that can accept and integrate information crucial to monitoring and fighting public health threats. This includes information from local and state health agencies and health systems tracking in near real time the actual number of cases, hospitalizations and deaths, stratified by vaccination status, age, community and race. Public health officials will find themselves flying blind in the next emergency if this system is not fixed.


Improving worker safety has been another missed opportunity. Everyone in a workplace benefits if colleagues feeling flulike symptoms remain home. But this will happen only with a change in culture around sickness and, more important, the provision of paid sick leave to workers, especially for those in low-income jobs and the gig economy. Paid sick leave is particularly important in the health care, hospitality, public transportation and retail industries, where infections can most easily spread. But many employers still do not provide paid sick and family medical leave, and Congress has refused to pass legislation requiring it, despite the mountain of data on workplace spread from coronavirus and other respiratory infections.


Strategies also are still badly needed to connect public health agencies with high-risk but hard-to-reach populations. During the early days of Covid, much of the engagement with the public by health agencies was passive. Americans had to stand in line or sign up online for vaccines or masks or to order tests and sometimes request reimbursement from their insurers. This approach works for those with free time, broadband access and computer skills. But it is much more challenging for disabled people, older people living alone, individuals with low health literacy, non-English speakers and rural residents.


Instituting proactive outreach will be valuable in future emergencies — whether pandemics, hurricanes, wildfires or other disasters. Otherwise, these underserved groups will again be left out, widening disparities in care and outcomes.


The government has yet to ensure a stable domestic production capacity and raw material supply chains for personal protective equipment, including N95 and KN95 face coverings, gloves and disposable gowns, much less pharmaceuticals.


Nor has it fixed the system of clinical research, which proved slow in generating useful results on a range of concerns, such as optimal vaccine schedules and the evaluation of drugs to lessen Covid symptoms and prevent hospitalizations. The reliable clinical results proving the benefits of steroids and the problems with hydroxychloroquine tended to come from Britain and other countries. Yet the National Institutes of Health has not revamped how it organizes, funds and rewards scientists for participating in large, pragmatic clinical trials, especially but not only in public health emergencies.


The list could go on and on, including the poor response to long Covid.


The Covid pandemic laid bare the nation’s vulnerabilities to new and deadly pathogens that can spread quickly across the globe and kill people in vast numbers in awful ways. By living through the trauma of the past few years, scientists and public health experts have a much better understanding of how to prepare for the next health crisis, wherever it emerges. And it will emerge. Now that knowledge must be put to use. It will require determination, ambition and coordination at all levels of government. And money. We must act before the moment passes and the next crisis is upon us, leaving people to wonder why we did not do a better job of preparing.



2) To Electrify the United States, We’re Going to Need a Lot More Electricity

By Peter Coy, Oct. 31, 2022


Illustration by The New York Times; image by CSA Images via Getty Images

“World War Zero” — the battle to save the planet by zeroing out carbon emissions — ought to be a bonanza for generators of electricity. Electric vehicles, heat pumps and other planet-saving technologies that don’t use fossil fuels do consume a lot of electricity. By one estimate, for the United States to eliminate fossil fuels entirely would require three to possibly even five times as much electricity-generating capacity in the coming decades as the country has now.


Gearing up to meet a surge in demand is what businesses do. It’s profitable. I’m pretty sure Hershey and Mars have been manufacturing more candy than usual in the past few weeks to satisfy trick-or-treaters.


But electricity-generating capacity in the United States grew just 0.3 percent from 2011 to 2021, according to my calculation based on data from the Energy Information Administration.


The agency doesn’t expect any big increase in the future, either. Its Annual Energy Outlook, a report that looks ahead to 2050, predicts capacity growth of just 1.7 percent a year in its central, or “reference,” case, which assumes current laws and regulations are unchanged (unless they’re already scheduled to expire). Capacity grows just 2.2 percent a year assuming a low cost for renewable energy. Incentives in the Inflation Reduction Act might bump those numbers up in next year’s forecast, but probably not a lot.


It’s far short of what would be needed for a fully electrified U.S. economy. So, no financial bonanza. And no planetary salvation.


As the world’s climate diplomats prepare to gather in Sharm el Sheikh, Egypt, for their annual summit beginning Nov. 6, this should be an issue on the front burner, or rather the front coil.


I understand why electricity generators haven’t been adding capacity. They have an obligation to their owners — whether investors or governments — not to overspend on capacity that isn’t needed, and so far it has not been needed. Because of increasing efficiency, consumption of electricity in the United States has risen just 0.4 percent annually on average over the past decade. It would also be unfair to customers to raise their rates to cover construction of solar or wind farms that won’t be needed anytime soon. Still, if capacity really does grow that little, we’re all in trouble.


The estimate that three to possibly five times as much generating capacity will be needed for full electrification of the U.S. economy comes from Saul Griffith, whose research and design company, Otherlab, was contracted by the Department of Energy in 2018 to study patterns of electricity consumption. He put his findings into a 2021 book, “Electrify: An Optimist’s Playbook for Our Clean Energy Future.”


Of course, this assumes the new generation will be from renewable sources. It won’t do the planet any good if the new generation is from fossil fuels such as coal. It also assumes that transmission lines will be built to carry the juice to where it’s needed — not an easy problem given strong resistance to new power lines.


For a reaction to Griffith’s estimate, I interviewed Emily Fisher, the general counsel and senior vice president for clean energy at the Edison Electric Institute, which represents investor-owned utilities. Could suppliers meet such a large demand, I asked her. She said, “That is a problem we are not likely to have this decade.”


OK, I said, but what about the next decade and beyond? After all, electricity generation and transmission lines can take years to plan and build. She said continued efficiency gains and time-of-day pricing would help limit the need for more capacity. Aside from that, she said utilities will be sure to build what’s needed.


“We’re the most heavily regulated and scrutinized industry in America,” she said. “So many people are watching.” And not only regulators — shareholders have a financial incentive to make sure the companies build enough to meet demand. “We are actively involved in a ton of scenario planning,” she said.


One way or another, supply and demand for electricity will have to be in perfect balance, because the electrical grid can’t operate any other way. (Too much demand can cause blackouts; too much supply can cause destabilizing voltage surges.) The other way to achieve long-term balance in the grid would be to settle for less than full electrification.


“Electrification is a centerpiece of global decarbonization efforts,” James Bushnell and David Rapson, economists at the University of California, Davis, wrote in a recent National Bureau of Economic Research working paper titled “The Electrical Ceiling: Limits and Costs of Full Electrification.” “Yet there are reasons to be skeptical of the inevitability, or at least the optimal pace, of the transition.”


Price, as usual, will be the equilibrating mechanism. If electricity is in tight supply, its price will be higher and the most costly electrification projects — say, the manufacture of cement, steel, chemicals, glass and ceramics, which is now done with fossil fuels — simply won’t happen. “There is probably some level of electrification where doing more of it is going to get extremely costly,” Rapson said in an interview. “We don’t know what that level is.”


Done wrong, mass electrification of the economy could also harm reliability and equity, Ella Zhou, a senior model engineer for grid operations and planning at the National Renewable Energy Laboratory in Golden, Colo., wrote in an email. For example, a big increase in home charging of electric vehicles, if not accompanied by strengthening of the distribution network or scheduling vehicle charging carefully, “could be a complete disaster,” she wrote. As for equity, she said technologies such as heat pumps, which provide heating, air conditioning and hot water, have a big upfront cost that could shut out lower-income families if no one’s paying attention.


Ari Matusiak, the chief executive of the nonprofit group Rewiring America, told me that batteries in homes and cars will improve the reliability of the network by standing ready to provide power to the grid to meet surges in demand. The answer to the high cost of devices such as heat pumps will be mass production, he said. As for the concerns raised by the economists at the University of California, Davis, he doesn’t deny that there are limits to electrification, but he’s optimistic that those limits are far from being reached. “The vast, vast, vast majority of the solution is electrification,” he told me.


Let’s just hope that the electrification of the economy won’t be short-circuited by a shortage of electricity.



3) A Plea for Making Virus Research Safer

By Jesse Bloom, Oct. 30, 2022

Dr. Bloom studies virus evolution at the Fred Hutchinson Cancer Center in Seattle. 


Carolina Moscoso

Viruses far more devastating than the coronavirus that causes Covid-19 have plagued humankind. Smallpox, for example, killed up to 30 percent of people it infected. Thanks to science, it’s now a plague of the past, with the last natural infection occurring in 1977.


But the last cases of smallpox came from a lab, when a British medical photographer was accidentally infected at the University of Birmingham Medical School in 1978. She died after transmitting the virus to her mother, but fortunately, it did not spread further. The respected virologist who headed the lab died by suicide, with colleagues saying he was hounded to death by journalists looking for someone to blame.


The year before, the world was swept by the 1977 influenza pandemic, caused by a previously extinct strain of influenza. While some have suggested this pandemic was triggered by a lab accident, many scientists (including me) think it most likely resulted from a misguided vaccine trial.


Repeats of those disasters seem unlikely. Research on the smallpox virus is now highly restricted, nobody would run vaccine trials with extinct influenza strains today, and lab safety has greatly improved since the 1970s.


But new scientific breakthroughs make it increasingly easy to identify dangerous viruses in nature, manipulate them in the lab and synthetically create them from genetic sequences. In just the past few weeks, scientists at Boston University reported making hybrids of variants of SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes Covid-19, while the media reported on a proliferation of labs studying dangerous viruses. And so a debate rages: Is virology making us more or less safe?


I am a virologist who studies how mutations enable viruses to escape antibodies, resist drugs and bind to cells. I know virology has done much to advance public health. But a few aspects of modern virology can be a double-edged sword, and we need to promote beneficial, lifesaving research without creating new risks in the lab.


Viruses caused outbreaks long before labs existed. Throughout history, animal viruses have jumped into humans. Once viruses start spreading, they can evolve to become more transmissible or evade immunity, as we’ve seen with SARS-CoV-2.


Scientific research on these natural threats has immense benefits. Understanding of avian influenza has informed efforts to stop transmission in poultry, possibly preventing a pandemic. Covid-19 vaccines were based on studies of the spike protein of other coronaviruses. Scientists track how antibodies and vaccines work against new Covid variants using viruses that don’t replicate, called pseudoviruses, which pose no risk to humans.


None of this research requires a dangerous virus in the lab. It’s done by surveillance, studying parts of the virus or using pseudoviruses. But some experiments do require an actual virus, such as when testing drugs like Paxlovid. What if there is an accident? There are documented cases of scientists being infected with coronaviruses even in modern Biosafety Level 3 and 4 labs, which are used to study dangerous pathogens.


Most of the time these risks are quite low. A researcher is much more likely to acquire a virus at a grocery store than in a modern lab. Of course there is some risk — but we allow people to drive even though each year they have about a 1 in 10,000 chance of dying in a car accident.


But it’s different when research involves a virus that could plausibly spark a pandemic, which is the case when a virus can transmit from person to person and most people lack immunity. I would not be allowed to drive if my car accident could kill millions of people and cost trillions of dollars in economic losses. But potential pandemic viruses pose that risk.


Scientists mostly study viruses that lack pandemic potential. Sometimes they use “safe” viruses that are unable to infect humans or have been weakened in the lab. Or they study viruses that already circulate in humans and are unlikely to cause a pandemic if there’s an accident. In my view, the much-discussed Boston University study falls in this category because it combines two SARS-CoV-2 variants that recently circulated in humans.


However, scientists sometimes study viruses that have made isolated jumps from animals to people. For example, a new strain of avian influenza is currently infecting many birds and some other mammals like seals and foxes, but so far only a few humans. Virologists worry it could adapt to transmit in humans and spark a pandemic. As scientists, we want to test how well such viruses can infect human cells or evade countermeasures. But a lab accident could expose the scientist.


I think that such studies should use the safer methods described above whenever possible, but exceptions can be made. For instance, people are already coming into contact with influenza-infected birds, and judicious research in a high-level biosafety lab can help assess the threat.


But some scientists have taken it further, adding “gain of function” mutations that make potential pandemic viruses more transmissible. The National Institutes of Health funded two research groups to increase the transmissibility of an earlier strain of avian influenza that had killed hundreds of people but could not efficiently spread from person to person. Both groups created viral mutants that could transmit in ferrets. The Obama administration was so alarmed that it halted gain-of-function work on potential pandemic influenza viruses in 2014, but the N.I.H. allowed it to restart by 2019.


In my view, there is no justification for intentionally making potential pandemic viruses more transmissible. The consequences of an accident could be too horrific, and such engineered viruses are not needed for vaccines anyway.


Natural viruses that haven’t yet infected humans can also pose a risk if researchers try to find the most dangerous ones and bring them back to the lab for experiments.


Suspicions about a lab-accident origin of SARS-CoV-2 have been fueled by the fact that the Wuhan Institute of Virology was involved in Chinese and international efforts to find and experiment with new high-risk coronaviruses. The W.I.V. says it did not perform experiments with viruses similar to SARS-CoV-2 before the Covid-19 pandemic. Even so, the pandemic shows just how dangerous these viruses are. The risk for accident isn’t outweighed by any concomitant benefit, because no one has explained how the pandemic would have been prevented if W.I.V. scientists had managed to experiment on such viruses beforehand. It also would not have helped with vaccines: Moderna designed its vaccine just two days after release of the SARS-CoV-2 genetic sequence, without access to the actual virus.


A final category of pandemic risk involves viruses that used to transmit in humans but became extinct long ago — like the 1918 influenza virus. That virus was synthetically reconstructed and is now studied by a number of labs to understand why it was so deadly. Although this research is scientifically fascinating, I’ve come to think that experimenting on extinct pandemic viruses just isn’t worth the risk.


There are also some gray zones that don’t directly involve pandemic viruses, but deserve further discussion.


One gray zone is mutants of current human viruses that escape antibodies or drugs. Studying such mutants is essential in designing vaccines and is even part of the Food and Drug Administration’s review process for antiviral drugs. But scientists should avoid generating more mutations than would be expected to evolve naturally within a few years.


Another gray zone involves information. Advances in sequencing, computation and safe experiments enable increasingly good predictions of the effects of viral mutations. This information helps track evolution, update vaccines and design drugs. But it has become easy to transform information into actual viruses. What if someone uses information to design a well-intentioned but risky experiment, or even worse a bioweapon?


Well-intentioned accidents can be addressed by regulating risky experiments, but nefarious actors can’t be regulated. The cat may be mostly out of the bag, since information about how to create several dangerous viruses is already in the public domain. However, we should control the most high-risk information (like how to create smallpox from synthetic DNA) while not disrupting the free flow of data on which science depends.


Overall, most virology research is safe and often beneficial. But experiments that pose pandemic risks should be stopped, and other areas require continued careful assessment. Several groups are developing frameworks for oversight and regulation.


But who should ultimately decide?


Some virologists think we should have the final say, since we’re the ones with technical expertise. I only partially agree. I’m a scientist. My dad is a scientist. My wife is a scientist. Most of my friends are scientists. I obviously think scientists are great. But we’re susceptible to the same professional and personal biases as anyone else and can lack a holistic view.


The French statesman Georges Clemenceau said, “War is too important to be left to the generals.” When it comes to regulating high-risk research on potential pandemic viruses, we similarly need a transparent and independent approach that involves virologists and the broader public that both funds and is affected by their work.



4) Food Prices Soar, and So Do Companies’ Profits

Some companies and restaurants have continued to raise prices on consumers even after their own inflation-related costs have been covered.

By Isabella Simonetti and Julie Creswell, Nov. 1, 2022

“For years, food companies and restaurants generally raised prices in small, incremental steps, worried that big increases would frighten consumers and send them looking for cheaper options. But over the last year, as wages increased and the cost of the raw ingredients used to make treats like cookies, chips, sodas and the materials to package them soared, food companies and restaurants started passing along those expenses to customers. ...But amid growing concerns that the economy could be headed for a recession, some food companies and restaurants are continuing to raise prices even if their own inflation-driven costs have been covered. Critics say the moves are all about increasing profits, not covering expenses. Coca-Cola, PepsiCo and Chipotle did not respond to requests for comment."


A woman reaching into an open cooler at the grocery store to get eggs.

Over the past year, the price of food eaten at home has gone up 13 percent, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. Credit...Hiroko Masuike/The New York Times

A year ago, a bag of potato chips at the grocery store cost an average of $5.05. These days, that bag costs $6.05. A dozen eggs that could have been picked up for $1.83 now average $2.90. A two-liter bottle of soda that cost $1.78 will now set you back $2.17.


Something else is also much higher: corporate profits.


In mid-October, PepsiCo, whose prices for its drinks and chips were up 17 percent in the latest quarter from year-earlier levels, reported that its third-quarter profit grew more than 20 percent. Likewise, Coca-Cola reported profit up 14 percent from a year earlier, thanks in large part to price increases.


Restaurants keep getting more expensive, too. Chipotle Mexican Grill, which said prices by the end of the year would be nearly 15 percent higher than a year earlier, reported $257.1 million in profit in the latest quarter, up nearly 26 percent from a year earlier.


For years, food companies and restaurants generally raised prices in small, incremental steps, worried that big increases would frighten consumers and send them looking for cheaper options. But over the last year, as wages increased and the cost of the raw ingredients used to make treats like cookies, chips, sodas and the materials to package them soared, food companies and restaurants started passing along those expenses to customers.


But amid growing concerns that the economy could be headed for a recession, some food companies and restaurants are continuing to raise prices even if their own inflation-driven costs have been covered. Critics say the moves are all about increasing profits, not covering expenses. Coca-Cola, PepsiCo and Chipotle did not respond to requests for comment.


“The recent earnings calls have only reinforced the familiar and unwelcome theme that corporations did not need to raise their prices so high on struggling families,” said Kyle Herrig, the president of Accountable.Us, an advocacy organization. “The calls tell us corporations have used inflation, the pandemic and supply chain challenges as an excuse to exaggerate their own costs and then nickel and dime consumers.”


So far, food companies and restaurants have been able to raise prices because the majority of consumers, while annoyed that the trip to the grocery store or drive-through for takeout costs more than it did a year ago, have been willing to pay. But there are plenty of shoppers, including those with lower incomes or retirees on fixed budgets, who say the higher prices have led to changes in their routines.


Diane English, an 80-year-old partly retired artist who lives with her partner in Asheville, N.C., said she now shops at lower-price grocery stores like Aldi so she can afford her groceries. She also has stopped buying certain foods because they’re simply too expensive.


“I can’t remember the last time we had steak,” said Ms. English. A couple of weeks ago, she said, she looked at the meat department at The Fresh Market, a grocery store chain, and was dispirited at the high prices she found.


“We’re not going to do that,” she said. “We can’t.”


Over the last year, the price of food eaten at home has soared 13 percent, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, with some items spiking even higher. Cereals and bakery goods are up 16.2 percent from a year ago, closely followed by dairy, which has risen 15.9 percent.


The cost of eating at restaurants has risen 8.5 percent over the same period.


Even food executives have been surprised by how well the higher food prices have been accepted.


On a call with investors, James Quincey, Coca-Cola’s chief executive, said customers continued to buy the company’s products despite economic challenges.


“In the face of these pressures, consumers stayed resilient, and we continue to invest behind our loved brands to drive value in the marketplace and growth in our business,” Mr. Quincey said.


This summer, on a call with other Wall Street analysts, Jason English, an analyst at Goldman Sachs, noted that the food giant Conagra Brands had been able to price its products above inflation rates and recovered its profit margins.


Sean Connolly, the president and chief executive of Conagra, said that manufacturers saw their profits hit early by inflation and that maintaining robust profits was crucial to developing new products.


This summer, on a call with other Wall Street analysts, Jason English, an analyst at Goldman Sachs, noted that the food giant Conagra Brands had been able to price its products above inflation rates and recovered its profit margins.


Sean Connolly, the president and chief executive of Conagra, said that manufacturers saw their profits hit early by inflation and that maintaining robust profits was crucial to developing new products.

“We have to have healthy margins to be able to build out that innovation and get it to our customers in the market,” Mr. Connolly said on the call. Conagra did not respond to a request for comment for this article.


Likewise, investors and analysts are closely watching the continued price hikes at Chipotle, wondering when it will become too much for its customers. In late October, the company said its profit margin widened in the third quarter, since it was able to increase the prices it charges faster than its own costs rose. The company said its prices in the final three months of the year would be nearly 15 percent higher than they were a year earlier.


“The average entree was around $8 nationally two years ago, and they’ve maybe taken $1.50 in price in the past two years,” said Sharon Zackfia, group head of consumer research at William Blair & Company.


She added: “I am intrigued by what happens when commodities fall again, and how do restaurants offer more value to the consumer without lowering prices? In the long arc of history, most restaurants do not lower prices.”


Still, some cracks are emerging. Not all companies have increased profits. Profit at McDonald’s, for example, fell because of how the strong U.S. dollar has weakened other global currencies. High prices for deli meat, fresh fish and frozen dinners have led some shoppers to stop buying those products, according to data from Information Resources Inc., a research firm.


Executives at Darden Restaurants said in September on a call with analysts that households with less than $50,000 in annual income were feeling the overall effects of inflation and eating less frequently at its Olive Garden and Cheddar’s restaurant chains. Rick Cardenas, the chief executive of Darden, said, “We are seeing softness with these consumers while conversely, we are seeing strength with guests in higher income households.”


Nicole Blaha, 53, who lives in Scottsdale, Ariz., started going to Walmart more frequently to stock up on things like granola bars and cereals to save money. She also uses an app called Ibotta to receive cash back on some of her purchases. It is one area of her life that has been affected by inflation where she feels like she can make substantiative changes.


“I actually find it easier to kind of work with the groceries piece and try to save some money where I can,” Ms. Blaha said. “You can’t argue with the electric bill.”


In grocery stores, consumers began increasingly switching to less expensive store brands in March, executives at TreeHouse Foods, a company that makes cookies, crackers, pickles and beverages for retailers, told Wall Street analysts on a call in August.


Steve Oakland, the chief executive of TreeHouse, told analysts that “consumers are making changes to reduce their spending, which include embracing store brands and the value that they represent.”



5) I Wish the Jury Had Not Sentenced My Family’s Killer to Death

By Sharon Risher, Nov. 1, 2022

Ms. Risher, a minister, is the daughter of Ethel Lance and the cousin of Tywanza Sanders and Susie Jackson, victims in the 2015 massacre at Mother Emanuel A.M.E. Church in Charleston, S.C. 


The author, Sharon Risher, with a photograph of her mother, Ethel Lance, who was killed in the Charleston, S.C., church shooting in 2015.

The author, Sharon Risher, with a photograph of her mother, Ethel Lance, who was killed in the Charleston, S.C., church shooting in 2015. Credit...Kennedi Carter for The New York Times

This week, Nikolas Cruz, who killed 17 people in the 2018 shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Fla., will be formally sentenced to life in prison without the possibility of parole, and the families of those who were killed or injured will again have a chance to speak about the irreparable harm done to them.


I understand the anguish some of those families expressed last month after the jury decided to spare the gunman’s life. That’s because I have sat in a similar courtroom, under similar circumstances. Dylann Roof, a white supremacist, murdered my mother, two cousins and six others in 2015 at Mother Emanuel A.M.E. Church in Charleston, S.C. For that, he was sentenced to death.


I would never tell anyone how to feel in such a situation. I can only share my own story. And having lived through this awful experience — the loss of my loved ones, followed by a trial in which we had to hear about the terrible details of the murders again and to revisit all of the pain — I can say that Mr. Roof’s death sentence did not bring my family closure. It only prolonged our agony.


How can families of victims not want vengeance for what the killer has done? I was very conflicted throughout Mr. Roof’s trial. It brought me new misery to see such a young man with so much hate in his heart. But by the time the sentencing phase ended, I felt that killing him would do nothing to help me heal. After much prayer and asking God to help me, I knew in my heart that killing him would not solve anything.


Because he was sentenced to death, we are still suffering in ways that could have been avoided. Five years ago, Mr. Roof’s first appeal was rejected. It was two years after his crime, but just the experience of that appeal being a headline brought back all of the horror of his violence, renewing our wounds. Every time our case is in the news, I am returned to that terrible day and the searing pain of the weeks, months and years that followed. It almost feels as if he gets to continue the terror he intended to create, because the focus is on him, while his victims’ families wait for the supposed finality of an execution that may never come.


This is the unintended but very real consequence of the death penalty. Rather than helping my family heal, Dylann Roof’s death sentence has done the opposite.


Based on my experience and that of many others whom I know, some of the families of the Parkland victims may discover that Mr. Cruz’s sentence of life in prison brings them more peace in the end. After all, life without the possibility of parole might better be understood as death by incarceration. I certainly agree that such killers should never be free.


I hope that Nikolas Cruz’s sentence can be a turning point for the families, that it will allow them to move toward healing. We can never get our loved ones back. But for me, not having the uncertainty of a death sentence hanging over me would make it easier to focus on the positive memories of those I lost.


In the years since Mr. Roof’s trial, I have become active in the movement to abolish the death penalty. There are many reasons to oppose it, including that racism and other injustices taint the justice system in the United States. Getting rid of the death penalty also would bring a close to these torturous years of appeals for so many of us.


I pray that God will give the Parkland families comfort, and that God will give Nikolas Cruz the opportunity to understand and accept responsibility for what he has done and that he can find a way to use the remainder of his life for good, even in prison.


For everyone else, I want to say this: Please don’t speak for victims and their families or tell us what to think. The most powerful thing that you can do for family members of murder victims is simply to offer authentic and nonjudgmental presence. We just need to know that we have a community around us that is about love.



6) Birthday call for immediate release of ailing former Black Panther leader Ed Poindexter from Nebraska prison

By Michael Richardson, November 1, 2022


Edward Poindexter in his 52nd year of imprisonment for his role as leader of a Black Panther affiliate chapter in Omaha, Nebraska. Poindexter’s bruised face is from daily dialysis treatments. (credit: Jericho)

Friends and supporters of Edward Poindexter gathered today in Omaha to call for his immediate release from the Nebraska State Penitentiary where he is serving a life sentence for the 1970 bombing murder of Patrolman Larry Minard. Poindexter was convicted at a two-week controversial trial in April 1971 for the killing of Minard despite no physical evidence linking him to the crime. The trial was marred by conflicting police testimony; perjured testimony by Duane Peak, the confessed bomber; withheld evidence from Federal Bureau of Investigation Laboratory; and spurious dynamite evidence from the Alcohol, Tobacco & Firearms Laboratory.


Poindexter, leader of the National Committee to Combat Fascism, was a target of the infamous COINTELPRO operation directed by FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover in his clandestine war against the Black Panthers. Preston Love, a respected community leader, led the call for freedom on Ed Poindexter’s birthday.


“We gather here to publicly wish Ed Poindexter a happy 78th birthday, but we rush to mention that Mr. Poindexter celebrates his birthday this year, as he has for the last 52 years, behind bars. Twice as many years as he has celebrated as a free man. He was 26 years old when he went in. He has literally spent 2/3 of his life in prison. We stand today with cheers and tears for Ed Poindexter. Most of us believe that Ed Poindexter, who was convicted of a crime he did not commit, is innocent, and that his trial was rocked with inconsistencies and questionable evidence.”


“We angrily demand that Ed Poindexter be released, and that he spend not another birthday incarcerated, if he lives to that point. Ed Poindexter is very ill, he uses a wheelchair, he receives dialysis six days a week, has repeatedly been denied due process, as it relates to his potential release via parole. Ed Poindexter is a product of the 60’s, and a product of repeated, long standing, unforgiving hate, and lack of humanity on the part of those who think he should die in prison, in spite of the facts of his trial and the facts of his exemplary behavior for 50 years.”


“Ed Poindexter is not a threat to society, except for maybe he is a threat to the conscience and humanity of society. Ed Poindexter should be released. At minimum, the Pardons Board should commute his sentence to time served, and release him.”


Co-defendant David Rice [Wopashitwe Eyen Mondo we Langa] died at the prison in March 2016 while serving his life sentence. Duane Peak, the confessed killer, never served a day in prison in exchange for his testimony implicating Poindexter and Rice. The aged, ailing Poindexter continues to proclaim his innocence, but makes it clear he does not seek sympathy, he seeks justice.


Preston Love summed it up, “Let him out now.”



7) Prisoners Like Me Are Being Held Hostage to Price Hikes

By Patrick Irving, Nov. 2, 2022

Mr. Irving is an incarcerated writer. 


Nicole Rifkin

The hole in the sole of my shoe is a problem. The plastic bag I sandwich between my two best pairs of socks can do only so much during the days we’re let outside. It protects well against the rain that soaks in through my shoe, but Idaho snow is a formidable foe.


The problem is that for the price of a new pair of white Reebok Classics, the cheapest shoes available at the commissary, I could stave off hunger pains for at least a few weeks more. I could continue scrubbing my parts and pieces with a soap bar bigger than the matchbook-size, prison-issued bar. And I could wash my sweaty clothes in a toilet with real detergent.


The reason I’m washing my clothes in a toilet is that I live in the desert just south of Boise, at the Idaho Maximum Security Institution. I’m eight years into a 15-to-40-year sentence, handed down for two counts of arson committed during a six-month stretch while I was in a drug-induced psychosis.


Prison is a harsh environment — physically, spiritually and economically. Like anyone else, prisoners need to buy things. But unlike people on the outside, we have only one store to choose from: the commissary. It’s run by a private company called the Keefe Group, which has an exclusive contract with the Idaho Department of Correction. (Keefe is a subsidiary of TKC, a holding company indirectly controlled by H.I.G. Capital, a private equity firm.) The company’s captive clients are limited to shopping once a week from a roster that’s subject to the whims of the company — and the economy. With decades-high inflation affecting Americans everywhere, prices of certain essentials have swelled beyond some prisoners’ ability to pay.


The commissary is sort of like your local corner store. Among its offerings are staples like food, clothing and hygiene products that, for us inside, can make the difference between a clean head of hair and a rinsed head of hair, a bad meal and a terrible meal, a cold night and a freezing night.


Inside, some things do come free. We are provided three meals a day, except on Sundays, when we’re loaded up with breakfast and dinner and provided with what we call lunch muffins in between. Toilet paper is on the house, which is not the case at all institutions. We get two towels. A pocket comb. A plastic foam cup. A stubby pencil. A couple of tiny soap bars (but no shampoo). A travel-size tube of toothpaste and a middle-finger-size toothbrush. We get a couple of blankets and then one more once the temperature drops. Upon intake, prisoners here receive a state-issued uniform: two sets of scrubs, three pairs of underwear, some socks and white T-shirts and a pair of slip-ons, which are close to worthless in the Idaho winter.


But you get what you pay for in prison, too. We have a better menu than most, so there are only five or six meals on the regular rotation that I just can’t eat — like the taco macaroni. Still, when you’re cooking for hundreds, there’s always something to be desired. That’s why any effort to spruce up a dish with a spice or condiment — sriracha ($5.34 per 17-ounce bottle) on everything, please — can go a long way.


As for the cold, the prison-issued coat and beanie we receive in the winter aren’t enough without reinforcements. So those who are able to will buy wool gloves ($7.24), thermal tops and bottoms ($6.66 to $7.48), sweatshirts and sweatpants ($21.39 apiece).


But to get these things, prisoners at my institution have to contend with prices set by Keefe. In exchange for exclusive access to our incarcerated population, Keefe rewards the Idaho Department of Correction with a revenue-sharing arrangement that guarantees a yearly minimum of $1.25 million plus 40 percent of the gross beyond an annual base sales target. That’s according to the Keefe Group-Idaho Department of Correction contract I received via a public records request. As a result of this arrangement, the two entities are able to benefit from working closely together to leverage market tumult, usually at the expense of their shared clients.


In April, Keefe Commissary Network, in an electronic message sent to prisoners, announced a blanket price increase. The company attributed the move to the Covid pandemic and its financial impacts on trucking, manufacturing, labor and other parts of the supply chain. The projected damage to our prison wallets was approximately 8.5 percent for everything that remained on the roster. But immediately after the price-hike announcement, Keefe sent another message, informing us that many staples would be discontinued or replaced with different brands.


By May 1, prices for a two-ounce packet of squeeze cheese had doubled (to 65 cents from 32 cents). Flour tortillas, a staple for many, were briefly eliminated but recently reinstated for $2.03 per eight ounces, a 123 percent increase. Five-ounce sausages were replaced with a three-ounce version at a slightly lower price, but the larger ones are now back — and at $4.27, they cost 64 percent more.


Other items were also swapped out for different brands and sizes, avoiding a technical increase but ultimately imposing a much higher one. A package of generic cocoa was replaced with Swiss Miss, shrinking to nine ounces from 10 ounces while almost doubling in price (to $2.73, from about $1.50). Boxes of 100 packets of an artificial sweetener were pulled from the shelves to make room for a replacement that costs three times the previous price ($3.75, from $1.26). Not even honey was safe. After replacing it with a sugar-free version, the cost soared over 130 percent (to $6, from $2.58).


Just as one corporation was pinching our pockets, JPay, a private company providing communications and financial services to prisoners, announced the end of its “pandemic promotions.” To communicate with loved ones over the JPay platform, a digital stamp is required for each incoming and outgoing email. Today, 60 stamps cost prisoners and their families $18, an 80 percent jump from the promotional rate.


These prices may strike the average reader as inconsequential, but they are a lot relative to what prisoners can earn inside. On the unit where I reside, there are a few paid, resident worker positions — janitors and barbers — but all are currently filled. I’m told the list of those waiting for the jobs is long.


Assuming a position were to open, I could make a monthly wage of $5 to $80, at 40 cents an hour. The latter income would afford me a sense of pride and dignity, but it would also require me to clean for 200 hours a month. That would leave minimal time for writing and research and the work I do advocating on behalf of the incarcerated community — activities I rely on to maintain my mental health.


Outside of sanctioned labor exists a variety of other options. In prison you will find plenty of functioning economies built on trades and services, innovation and demand. Some perform repairs on miscellaneous property items; others whip up confections — including taffy, fudge, pies and cinnamon rolls — then offer them to other prisoners in exchange for money and various other commissary items.


Unsanctioned professions can include artist, bootlegger, toymaker and more. A dozen entrepreneurs compete to fill every conceivable niche. But along with these opportunities are good reasons to not engage. First, the punishments for participating in an unsanctioned prison marketplace can range from verbal lashings to a decade delay in release.


Second, dramatic increases in the price of raw materials are leaving little in the margins where profits were once made. A batch of illicit fudge — ingredients can include sugar, peanut butter, cookies, candy bars and honey buns — used to cost approximately $5 to produce, allowing makers to more than double their return. Today the batch would cost north of $8. I’m fortunate that I can rely on two sets of recently retired parents, who pool from their savings approximately $200 a month to help defray my costs. But it’s also increasingly untenable, and emotionally difficult, to continue relying on my parents for assistance. Four decades into life, and I’m still asking for an allowance.


Making matters worse, for my family’s financial support to reach me, they must subject themselves to the financial dealings of prison profiteers and the State of Idaho. Every time they send money to be used for commissary items, they must pay Access Corrections, a Keefe unit that must be used to send money to prisoners, as much as 22 percent for a $19.99 transfer. If my parents wish to fund the account attached to the prison phone service, which is run by ICSolutions, another Keefe unit, they must pay 38.3 percent in taxes plus a $3 processing fee (on top of the 8 cents per minute ICSolutions charges for a phone call).


The decision I have to make is really no decision at all: It’s time once again to tap my emergency funds, buy a pair of new shoes ($48.72) and hope they last.


Patrick Irving is an incarcerated writer and the author of the newsletter First Amend This! He is a contributor to the Prison Journalism Project, and his work has appeared in the Idaho Law Review, The Harbinger and SolitaryWatch.org.



8) Extremism Is on the Rise … Again

By Charles M. Blow, Nov. 2, 2022


Nina Berman/Redux

After all this country has been through — from Donald Trump and his election denial, to the insurrection, to what prosecutors call the “politically motivated” attack on Nancy Pelosi’s husband — it still appears poised to elect candidates next Tuesday who deny the results of the 2020 election. There are 291 election deniers on the ballot. And Trump — the greatest threat to democracy — may make a comeback in 2024.


It’s hard to believe even though it’s happening right in front of our eyes.


In a major speech Wednesday night, President Biden described election denial as “the path to chaos in America.” “It’s unprecedented,” he said. “It’s unlawful. And it’s un-American.” But in truth, the extremism, racism and white nationalism are neither un-American nor unfamiliar.


I am personally fascinated by precedents and historical corollaries, the ways that events find a way of repeating themselves, not because of some strange glitch in the cosmos but because human beings are fundamentally the same, unchanged, stuck in rotation of our failings and frailties.


The presidential election of 1912 offers a few lessons for our current political moment.


William Howard Taft had been elected president in 1908, succeeding the gregarious Theodore Roosevelt, the undisputed leader of the progressive movement of the age, who endorsed Taft’s presidential bid. But Taft was no Teddy. Taft was, as University of Notre Dame professor Peri E. Arnold has written, “a warmhearted and kind man who wanted to be loved as a person and to be respected for his judicial temperament.”


I hear echoes there of the differences between Presidents Barack Obama and Biden.


Progressives at first seemed satisfied with Taft’s election, as they expected him to simply carry Roosevelt’s legacy forward. But they soon grew disaffected, as did Roosevelt.


It wasn’t that Taft was ineffective; he just didn’t do all of what those progressives wanted, much like Biden hasn’t checked the box on all progressive priorities. Riding a wave of progressive anger, Roosevelt challenged Taft in 1912, and when Roosevelt didn’t secure the nomination, he ran as a third-party candidate, taking many of the progressives with him.


That split all but guaranteed that their opponent, Woodrow Wilson, would win, becoming the first president from the South since the Civil War.


Wilson had not been a favorite to win the nomination of his own party — he only secured it on the 46th ballot after quite a bit of deal-making. But once he reached the general election, he sailed to victory over the quarreling liberals. He would go on to campaign on an “America First” platform, which for him was primarily about maintaining America’s neutrality in World War I. But as Sarah Churchwell, author of “Behold, America,” told Vox in 2018, it soon became associated not just with isolationism, but also with the Ku Klux Klan, xenophobia and fascism.


In Wilson’s case, extremists took his language and twisted its meaning into something more sinister. When Trump glommed onto that language over a century later, he started with the sinister and tried to pass it off as benign.


Of course, Wilson was no Trump. Trump is one of the worst presidents — if not the worst — that this country has ever had. Wilson at least, as the University of Virginia’s Miller Center points out, supported “limits on corporate campaign contributions, tariff reductions, new and stronger antitrust laws, banking and currency reform, a federal income tax, direct election of senators, a single term presidency.” He was a progressive Southern Democrat. The newly formed N.A.A.C.P. actually endorsed him.


But there are eerie similarities between him and Trump. Wilson was a racist. He brought the segregationist sensibility of the South, where he had grown up and where Jim Crow was ascendant, into the White House. He allowed segregation to flourish in the federal government on his watch.


And while Wilson didn’t support shutting down all immigration, as long as the immigrants were from Europe, he did embrace ardently xenophobic beliefs. In 1912, he released a statement, saying:


“In the matter of Chinese and Japanese coolie immigration I stand for the national policy of exclusion (or restricted immigration). The whole question is one of assimilation of diverse races. We cannot make a homogeneous population out of people who do not blend with the Caucasian race.”


It was Wilson who screened “The Birth of a Nation” at the White House, a film that pushed the “Lost Cause” narrative and fueled the rebirth of the Klan.


Trump hosted a screening of “2,000 Mules” — a fact-checker-debunked documentary that purported to show widespread voter fraud carried out by “mules” who stuffed ballot boxes with harvested ballots during the last presidential election — at Mar-a-Lago, which Trump has called the Southern White House. That film has helped boost his followers’ belief in his lie about the 2020 election.


Allow me a quick aside to dissect the dehumanizing language of the “mule.” Mules were synonymous with captivity and servitude, and as such, a comparison between them and the enslaved — and later, oppressed — Black people was routine. In fact, in “Their Eyes Were Watching God,” Zora Neale Hurston famously wrote that the Black woman is the mule of the world.


Then came the invention of the “drug mule,” a phrase that first appeared in this newspaper in 1993. Later, the media would often use it to describe Hispanic women.


Now we have ballot mules, an extensive cabal of liberal actors bent on stealing elections.


Once you animalize people, you have, by definition, dehumanized them, and that person is no longer worthy of being treated humanely.


I say all this to demonstrate that we have been here before. We have seen extremism rise before in this country, multiple times, and it often follows a familiar pattern: One party loses steam, focus and cohesion; liberals become exhausted, disillusioned or fractured, allowing racists and nativist conservatives to rise. Those leaders then tap into a darkness in the public, one that periodically goes dormant until it erupts once more.


I fear that too many liberals are once again caught up in the cycle, embracing apathy. My message to all of them going into Election Day: Wake up!

My NYT Comment:

Our whole political structure is based upon preserving capitalism and the profits of the wealthy elite. The Democrats pretend they are "for all the people" while voting for increases in the U.S. war-machine budget, and the Republicans make no bones about being for white, Christian people, only—and for increases in the U.S. war-machine budget. It's a system that spends the wealth workers of all colors create by their labor on weapons of death and destruction instead of on the things that all people need—food, housing, healthcare, and education. Both parties support the basic economic system of capitalism that puts profits of the wealthy over the health and safety of people and the planet. Money for human needs, not war! People over profits!  

—Bonnie Weinstein



9) Is Use of the Death Penalty Ever Moral?

Readers point to flaws in the justice and mental health systems, and one calls it “barbaric.” Nov. 5, 2022


Hui Wang, whose son, Peter, was killed by Nikolas Cruz at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Fla., after the jury rejected a death sentence for Mr. Cruz.

Hui Wang, whose son, Peter, was killed by Nikolas Cruz at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Fla., after the jury rejected a death sentence for Mr. Cruz. Credit...Pool photo by Mike Stocker, via Getty Images

To the Editor:


Re “If Not the Parkland Shooter, Who Is the Death Penalty For?,” by Robert Blecker (Opinion guest essay, Oct. 29):


I agree with much of what Mr. Blecker writes, and would summarize it by saying that some acts, like the Parkland, Uvalde or Sandy Hook shootings, are so heinous that people who commit them have forfeited their right to live. And the state, on behalf of society, has the right to take that life.


And yet, I’m against the death penalty other than in a perfect legal system that allows for no unfairness in administering what is, essentially, the ultimate penalty, which can never be undone.


Our legal system, though, permits such unfairness when, for example, it executes people who were accomplices while the actual killer gets life. But worst of all, innocent people are sometimes, if rarely, sentenced to death and executed — which is morally wrong and a stain on the soul of the justice system.


Unless and until we can ensure that these serious miscarriages of justice are eliminated, we will sadly have to allow some killers who deserve death to spend the rest of their lives in prison. A just society demands no less.


Joseph C. Kaplan

Teaneck, N.J.


To the Editor:


It is astonishing that Robert Blecker, a law professor who says he has spent “three decades documenting daily life on death rows and inside maximum security prisons,” could actually understand so little about prison life. Only a dedicated fantasist could believe that the men and women imprisoned there “are enjoying” their “new normal of daily life.”


A study of the men on U.S. death rows found that in the period 1976 to 1999, the rate of suicide was about five times the rate of suicide in the U.S. as a whole. And state prisoners were more likely to die of cancer and liver disease “and more than twice as likely to die from homicide” than the outside U.S. population, according to a Department of Justice report. Does Mr. Blecker suggest that conditions for the condemned have improved?


His use of the term “worst of the worst,” a concept invented to masquerade the reality of the abused, neglected and mentally ill women and men who populate our death rows, has to be left behind if there is ever going to be a meaningful discussion of the death penalty.


Thoughtful people understand that it was not “free will” that produced Nikolas Cruz’s monstrous crimes but a severely damaged mind. To argue that retribution will “restore a moral balance” is ethical bankruptcy. State killing is immoral. Two immoral acts do not create a moral balance.


Mike Farrell


The writer is president of Death Penalty Focus.


To the Editor:


Timothy McVeigh, who killed 168 people in the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing, deserved the death penalty and got it.


Nancy Keenan-Rich

Poughkeepsie, N.Y.


To the Editor:


In endorsing capital punishment for the “worst of the worst criminals,” and in suggesting that “retributive justice” is a means of acknowledging the full humanity and free will of a person convicted of aggravated murder, Robert Blecker fails to understand that an essential part of Nikolas Cruz’s humanity was destroyed before he was born.


Mr. Cruz suffers from fetal alcohol spectrum disorder, which has profound consequences on brain development, impulse control, cognitive capacity and behavior.


Mr. Blecker’s method requires him to put himself in the shoes of the victims, but he fails in his effort at creating a framework for true sentencing justice because he appears incapable of putting himself in the shoes of the brain-damaged Mr. Cruz, whose full humanity was broken in a way that made his will much less than free.


Mercy is part of the human condition and is the ultimate acknowledgment of human dignity.


Michael Iaria

Bainbridge Island, Wash.

The writer is a criminal defense attorney who handles capital cases and has represented clients with fetal alcohol spectrum disorder.


To the Editor:


The headline asks, “If Not the Parkland Shooter, Who Is the Death Penalty For?” How about … nobody?


The death penalty has been convincingly shown to not be a deterrent to future criminals, nor does it do anything to bring a killer’s victims back to life. All it does is exact revenge while sometimes resulting in the execution of innocent people.


It’s understandable that a victim’s family might be so overcome by emotion that it favors the death penalty, but the banning of this barbaric practice is long overdue.


Jeff Burger

Ridgewood, N.J.


To the Editor:


Prof. Robert Blecker seems as incapable of feeling pity for Nikolas Cruz as Mr. Cruz was of feeling pity for his victims. Just as I cannot imagine the terror and pain these victims felt in the long moments before their deaths, I cannot imagine the horror of Mr. Cruz’s life. In no way does that horrific childhood justify his crimes. But it does make me feel sorrow for him along with his victims.


It seems his life’s potential ended long before he picked up that gun and walked into a school to commit mass murder. That’s at least partly the fault of the culture and country we all as Americans share.


Cheryl Alison

Worcester, Mass.


To the Editor:


I understand Robert Blecker’s point of view, and it’s a compelling one. Emotionally, it feels right to exact this punishment, especially on a person so coldhearted, calculated and genuinely remorseless. This does not mean it is right.


The prison system is corrupt, and Nikolas Cruz may very well live out his life in relative comfort (though we cannot know this). My reaction to this is to argue for a better, more just prison system.


Mr. Blecker states at the end of his article that our collective failure to impose the death penalty equates to a failure to denounce the horrific crimes this man committed. But I don’t think it’s a reflection of him or our opinions of him at all, and I think saying it gives the shooter too much power.


Our refusal to implement the death penalty reflects who we are, and what we value. Because even in the face of a man whose main goal was to make us afraid, we have chosen never to stoop to his level.


Amaya Gonzalez-Mollmann




10) Israel’s New Kingmaker Is a Dangerous Extremist and He’s Here to Stay

By Joshua Leifer, Nov. 7, 2022

Mr. Leifer is a contributing editor at Jewish Currents who frequently writes about Israel and Israeli politics.


Itamar Ben-Gvir, second from left, on election night in Israel.

Itamar Ben-Gvir, second from left, on election night in Israel. Credit...Corinna Kern/Reuters

Late Tuesday night in Jerusalem, Itamar Ben-Gvir, the leader of the far-right Jewish Power Party, stood onstage triumphant before a raucous, ecstatic crowd. His supporters chanted, “Look who it is, the next prime minister!” as trance beats blared in the background. Mr. Ben-Gvir, in fact, had not been elected prime minister, but he will have played an instrumental role in returning Benjamin Netanyahu to power.


Mr. Ben-Gvir beamed down at his supporters and began his speech. When he pledged to deal harshly with those disloyal to Israel, they broke out in chants of “Death to terrorists,” a sanitized version of the slogan that is often a fixture at right-wing rallies: “Death to Arabs.” Mr. Ben-Gvir also expressed his thanks to Dov Lior, a rabbi who gave theological justification for the 1995 assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin by a far-right Israeli.


Together with the Religious Zionism party, led by Bezalel Smotrich, Jewish Power won the third-largest share of seats in the Knesset, providing Mr. Netanyahu with enough support to form a governing coalition. Jewish Power waged a populist campaign that resonated especially among young Jewish Israelis; nearly as many active-duty troops voted for Mr. Ben-Gvir and Mr. Smotrich’s party list as did for Mr. Netanyahu’s chief rival, the centrist Yair Lapid. Mr. Ben-Gvir is now a kingmaker in Israeli politics; he wants to be king. “Friends, I’m only 46 years old,” he told his supporters on Tuesday night. “I’m not prime minister — yet.”


Mr. Ben-Gvir has good reasons to feel confident. In 1995, when he infamously threatened Mr. Rabin on television just weeks before Mr. Rabin’s killing, Mr. Ben-Gvir appeared to many a dangerous extremist. Today his views fit within much of the Israeli mainstream. They are even more common among younger Israelis, who overwhelmingly identify with the right.


Israel’s shift rightward has been long in the making. Mr. Rabin’s assassination also killed the Israel that Mr. Rabin was imagined to represent. The Israel that many Americans — and especially American Jews — fondly remember for its irreverent secularism and vaguely social-democratic ethos no longer exists. It was always more myth than reality, but the facts that enabled the myth are gone: A conservative interpretation of Judaism increasingly dominates the public sphere. The last left-wing parties are headed to the grave. The idea that Jews and Arabs should have equal rights is supported by only a minority of Jewish Israelis.


Since at least Mr. Netanyahu’s second term in 2009, outright anti-Palestinian racism has become a routine feature of Israeli discourse, as Mr. Netanyahu successively normalized politicians seen to represent the most belligerent forms of ethnonationalism: In 2010 it was Avigdor Lieberman, who called for transferring out of areas where Palestinian-Arab citizens of Israel were the majority; in 2013, it was Naftali Bennett, who called for annexing parts of the West Bank (and later replaced Mr. Netanyahu as prime minister). In February 2019, when Mr. Netanyahu first gave his stamp of approval to the Jewish Power party, it was not an aberration but the culmination of a steady march. It was also a recognition, on Mr. Netanyahu’s part, that the difference between his mainstream-right Likud party and the extreme right was now a matter of degree.


The real reasons for this shift defy the conventional explanations. Yes, the violence of the second intifada in the early 2000s disillusioned many Jewish Israelis about the possibility of peace with the Palestinians. But the subsequent decade and a half, during most of which Mr. Netanyahu was prime minister, largely insulated most Israelis from the consequences of their government maintaining an indefinite occupation of the West Bank and siege of the Gaza Strip. Support for a two-state solution practically evaporated, and the issue nearly disappeared from Israeli discourse.


The past five years have seen far fewer Israeli civilian and military casualties than in the 1990s and early 2000s, but the Israeli Jewish public has also become much less willing to stomach losses. In the wake of the 21-day war last spring — sparked by an Israeli raid on the Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem and responded to with rocket fire from Gaza — and the interethnic violence in so-called mixed cities, Mr. Ben-Gvir channeled Israelis’ desire for a quick and easy solution to what some call the“Palestinian problem” by proposing to resolve it by force. His party’s platform promises “the establishment of sovereignty over all parts of Eretz Israel liberated in the Six-Day War and settlement of the enemies of Israel in the Arab countries that surround our small land.”


Demographics are not destiny, but in Israel they could enable a permanent majority for the religious-right coalition that has solidified through the decade-plus of Mr. Netanyahu’s dominance. Mourning the election results, Israel’s secular liberals lament that they increasingly find themselves a minority in their own country: More than half of Jewish Israelis currently identify as traditional, religious or Haredi (ultra-Orthodox), and demographers expect these politically conservative populations to increase as a share of Israel’s population. Not only do roughly two-thirds of Jewish Israelis ages 18 to 34 identify as right wing, but also, according to a 2016 Pew Survey, 49 percent of Jewish Israelis ages 18 to 49 agree that “Arabs should be expelled or transferred from Israel,” compared with 44 percent who disagree.


While Mr. Ben-Gvir has perhaps been the loudest voice in the ascendant right, he is far from unique: The next Netanyahu-led government will be the most right wing and Orthodox in the country’s history. It will include such figures as Mr. Smotrich, the Religious Zionism leader and a self-described “proud homophobe,” as well as stridently anti-L.G.B.T.Q. members of Haredi parties. The glue that will hold this coalition together is a form of theocratic Jewish supremacy that, on the ground, will translate most of all into increased repression of Palestinians and other non-Jewish minorities.


Mr. Netanyahu once served as a brake on the more ambitious proposals from his right-wing coalition partners, but now he is more beholden to them than ever before, for returning him to power and potentially for helping him evade corruption charges, in part through the crippling of the courts.


Yet even if he does beat his corruption trial, he will not lead Israel’s right forever. Mr. Netanyahu is 73 years old. The 17 year era of his leadership have seen the near elimination of secular and moderate right-wingers from Likud, which has mutated into a populist party in thrall to its charismatic leader. But this also means the party’s future is uncertain without him. When Mr. Netanyahu inevitably exits public life, he will leave a vacuum on the right that Mr. Ben-Gvir is poised to fill.


Part of what enabled Mr. Ben-Gvir’s success was that while he did not hide the religious elements of his agenda, he campaigned to represent a range of Jewish Israeli society. His party includes figures from across Israeli demographics that typically find themselves in separate parties: Although many in Jewish Power are hard-line, Orthodox West Bank settlers, others are secular hawks. There are Sephardic traditionalists, who identify with Mr. Ben-Gvir as the son of Iraqi-Kurdish immigrants, and young, Ashkenazi Haredim who are disillusioned with the conventional Orthodox parties.


In his election night speech, Mr. Ben-Gvir averred that his party owed its success to its ability to “represent everyone — secular and religious, ultra-Orthodox and traditional, Sephardim and Ashkenazim.” His rhetoric combines blunt ethnonationalism, worship of the land of Israel and veneration of the armed forces. In the past, the leaders of the extreme right disdained the Israeli mainstream and sought to distance themselves from it; Mr. Ben-Gvir, by contrast, wants to represent it.



11) Draft Report Offers Starkest View Yet of U.S. Climate Threats

“The things Americans value most are at risk,” says a draft of the National Climate Assessment, a major federal scientific report slated for release next year.

By Brad Plumer, Nov. 8, 2022


A woman stands amid the rubble of her mother’s home, covering her mouth with one hand. She is wearing a blue jacket and a white head warmer, and standing between two singed brick columns.

A home destroyed by the Marshall fire in Louisville, Colo., in December. The United States has warmed 68 percent faster than Earth as a whole over the past 50 years, according to a draft scientific report. Credit...Jack Dempsey/Associated Press

WASHINGTON — The effects of climate change are already “far-reaching and worsening” throughout all regions in the United States, posing profound risks to virtually every aspect of society, whether it’s drinking water supplies in the Midwest or small businesses in the Southeast, according to a draft scientific report being circulated by the federal government.


The draft of the National Climate Assessment, the government’s premier contribution to climate knowledge, provides the most detailed look yet at the consequences of global warming for the United States, both in the present and in the future. The final report isn’t scheduled to be published until late 2023, but the 13 federal agencies and hundreds of scientists who are compiling the assessment issued a 1,695-page draft for public comment on Monday.


“The things Americans value most are at risk,” says the draft report, which could still undergo changes as it goes through the review process. “More intense extreme events and long-term climate changes make it harder to maintain safe homes and healthy families, reliable public services, a sustainable economy, thriving ecosystems and strong communities.”


As greenhouse gas emissions rise and the planet heats up, the authors write, the United States could face major disruptions to farms and fisheries that drive up food prices, while millions of Americans could be displaced by disasters such as severe wildfires in California, sea-level rise in Florida or frequent flooding in Texas.


“By bringing together the latest findings from climate science, the report underscores that Americans in every region of the country and every sector of the economy face real and sobering climate impacts,” said John Podesta, a senior adviser to President Biden on clean energy, adding that the draft report was still undergoing scientific peer review and public comment.


The assessment isn’t entirely fatalistic: Many sections describe dozens of strategies that states and cities can take to adapt to the hazards of climate change, such as incorporating stronger building codes or techniques to conserve water. But in many cases, the draft warns, adaptation efforts are proceeding too slowly.


Under a law passed by Congress in 1990, the federal government is required to release the National Climate Assessment every four years, with contributions from a range of scientists across federal agencies as well as outside experts. The last assessment, released in 2018, found that unchecked warming could cause significant damage to the U.S. economy.


The Trump administration tried, but largely failed, to halt work on the next report, and its release was pushed back to 2023.


The draft report comes as world leaders are meeting in Sharm el Sheikh, Egypt, this week for the annual United Nations climate change summit. This year’s talks are focused on the harm that global warming is inflicting on the world’s poorest nations and the question of what rich countries should do to help. But the forthcoming U.S. assessment will offer a stark reminder that even wealthy nations will face serious consequences if temperatures keep rising.


The United States has warmed 68 percent faster than Earth as a whole over the past 50 years, according to the draft report, with average temperatures in the lower 48 states rising 2.5 degrees Fahrenheit (1.4 degrees Celsius) during that time period. That reflects a global pattern in which land areas are warming faster than oceans are, and higher latitudes are warming faster than lower latitudes are as humans heat up the planet, primarily by burning fossil fuels like oil, gas and coal for energy.


Americans can now feel the effects of climate change in their everyday lives, the draft says. In coastal cities like Miami Beach, Fla., the frequency of disruptive flooding at high tide has quadrupled over the last 20 years as sea levels have risen. In Alaska, 14 major fishery disasters have been linked to changes in climate, including an increase in marine heat waves. In Colorado, ski industries have lost revenue because of declining snowfall.


Across the country, deadly and destructive extreme weather events such as heat waves, heavy rainfall, droughts and wildfires have already become more frequent and severe.


In the 1980s, the nation suffered an extreme weather disaster that caused at least $1 billion in economic damage about once every four months, on average, after adjusting for inflation. “Now,” the draft says, “there is one every three weeks on average.” Some extreme events, like the Pacific Northwest heat wave last year that killed at least 229 people, would have been virtually impossible without global warming.


Bigger hazards are on the way if global temperatures keep rising, the draft report says, although the magnitude of those risks will largely depend on how quickly humanity can get its fossil fuel emissions under control.


“The faster and further we cut greenhouse gas emissions, the more we will reduce risks to current and future generations,” the draft says. “Each additional increment of warming will cause more damage and greater economic losses than previous warming, while the risk of catastrophic or unforeseen consequences also increases.”


The Biden administration has set a goal for the United States to cut its greenhouse gas emissions in half by 2030 and to stop adding planet-warming pollution to the atmosphere altogether by 2050. But while America’s emissions have fallen in recent years, the report says, current efforts are “not sufficient” and emissions would need to decline at a much faster pace, by more than 6 percent per year, to meet that 2050 target.


And even if drastic action on emissions is taken today, the United States will still face rising climate risks through at least 2030 because of lags in the climate system — in other words, it would take some time for reductions in emissions to have an effect on the climate. That means every state in the country will need to take steps to adapt to growing hazards.


There are some encouraging signs. At least 18 states have now written formal adaptation plans, with another six in the works. Cities and communities across the country are increasingly aware of the dangers of global warming and are taking actions to protect themselves.


Yet many of those adaptation efforts are poorly funded and remain “incremental,” the draft says, instead of the “transformative” changes that are likely to be necessary to deal with climate effects. Instead of merely installing more air-conditioning in response to heat waves, cities could redesign buildings and parks to help stave off heat. In addition to elevating individual homes above floodwaters, states will need to redirect development from flood-prone areas.


The authors of the draft report also note that many risks from climate change may be hard to predict and defend against. As the planet warms, the dangers of “compound events” grows. In 2020, for example, a combination of record-breaking heat and widespread drought created large, destructive wildfires in California, Oregon and Washington that exposed millions of people to hazardous smoke and stretched firefighting resources.


And it is hard to foresee how American society will react to the potentially wrenching changes produced by global warming.


“Americans’ quality of life is also threatened by climate change in ways that may be more difficult to quantify or predict, such as increased crime and domestic violence, harm to mental health, reduced happiness and fewer opportunities for outdoor recreation and play,” the draft report says. “These compounding stressors can increase segregation, reliance on social safety net programs, and income inequality.”


Coral Davenport contributed reporting.



12) Our Worst Fears Have Come True in Myanmar

By Nilar Thein, Nov. 11, 2022

Ms. Nilar Thein is a Myanmar democracy activist.


U Kyaw Min Yu, his wife, Daw Nilar Thein, and their daughter the couple’s release from prison in Yangon, Myanmar, in January 2012.

U Kyaw Min Yu, his wife, Daw Nilar Thein, and their daughter the couple’s release from prison in Yangon, Myanmar, in January 2012. Credit...Soe Than Win/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

We apologized to our baby daughter before she was born.


My husband, Kyaw Min Yu, a writer and activist known across Myanmar as Ko Jimmy, would lean down to my swollen belly, recite Buddhist mantras of love and say we’re sorry for the life we had chosen. We had spent years campaigning for a democratic Myanmar, were repeatedly imprisoned for that, and were painfully aware that our little girl, Phyu Nay Kyi Min Yu, whom we nicknamed Whitey (“Phyu” means white in Burmese), would not enjoy a normal childhood.


Fifteen years later, our worst fears have come true. My husband is dead, executed in July by Myanmar’s military junta, which overthrew a democratically elected civilian government and seized power in February of last year. I am now on the run, separated from my daughter.


Myanmar is in chaos. Thousands of people have been killed or arrested and more than one million displaced in a worsening humanitarian catastrophe. The military is waging a scorched-earth offensive to terrorize the people and erase the democratic progress painstakingly achieved over the years. Executing Ko Jimmy, a prominent figure in the struggle for democracy for three decades, was part of that strategy.


But the generals will fail. Myanmar has traveled too far down the road to freedom. Millions of determined young people who have grown up tasting democracy and have access to the internet won’t accept being dragged back to the dark days when the junta reigned supreme.


The corrupt military, known as the Tatmadaw, first seized power in 1962 and kept the country oppressed, isolated and backward. In 1988, Ko Jimmy (“Ko” means “brother” in Burmese) was a student leader in pivotal protests that, although violently suppressed, gave birth to a new generation committed to democracy.


We paid dearly for it: My husband — like thousands of others — was arrested and imprisoned from 1988 to 2005. For the last nine of those years, he and I were held in the notorious prison at Tharrawaddy. Beaten and abused, we grew close and cared for each other as best we could, passing secret notes through the iron bars to keep our spirits up. I loved his unshakable commitment to the fight, his poetry and how deeply he cared for others and his country. We were both released in 2005, married a year later, and I became pregnant.


As expected, it would be no ordinary upbringing for Whitey. I badly wanted to breastfeed — to nurture her and feel that close mother-child bond. Instead, we introduced baby formula early in case I was arrested. When Whitey was just four months old, her father was arrested again and imprisoned for another five years.


I went into hiding with Whitey, moving between safe houses, sometimes through torrential downpours in the dark of night. At one point we hid with several other activists in the storage room of a house. As police searched the house for us one day, we whispered to Whitey, distracting her so that she would not make any noises that might give us away and tear us apart. She stayed quiet and the police left.


But this was no life for a baby. Brokenhearted, I entrusted her to my in-laws in 2007. I was arrested the following year. Whitey’s father and I would not be released again until 2012.


By then, things were gradually improving. The military implemented parliamentary elections and other reforms and the National League for Democracy, led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, won a crushing electoral victory in 2015. The generals still held significant power, but many in Myanmar enjoyed relatively better and freer lives. Hopes were raised that real, lasting democracy was finally within our grasp. It seemed that all the years in prison had not been in vain.


It all came crashing down in the military coup last year.


But the generals have gravely miscalculated. The people have responded to the junta’s brutality with courage and defiance. Protests continue, and thousands have taken up arms, some sheltering among the several ethnic armed groups that have long resisted the junta and control large expanses of the country. Even Whitey, now a teenager, is old enough to comprehend the military’s inhumanity: She wrote a school essay last year reflecting on how the defiant reaction to the coup had made her proud of her parents. Part of me wanted to smile, but part of me wanted to scream that she has had to experience this.


In July our world fell apart. The generals called Ko Jimmy a terrorist and filed bogus charges that he had planned guerrilla attacks. He was convicted in a closed-door trial by a kangaroo court and executed along with three other pro-democracy activists. He was 53. The junta has not returned his body to us. The executions were the first by the military in more than three decades, making clear the generals’ intention to drag Myanmar back to its brutal past.


Yet the world seems to barely notice. The United States has denounced the coup and the executions, but Myanmar needs more than rhetorical support. U.S. President Joe Biden will meet with leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), at an annual summit this weekend in Cambodia. We will probably hear the usual calls for ASEAN — of which Myanmar is a member — to bring more pressure to bear on the junta.


But ASEAN has never been able to bring the generals to heel, and dealing with them bestows legitimacy on their illegal coup. Instead — while recognizing the limits of foreign pressure on an isolated military junta — Western countries like the United States, European nations and others that support democracy must start by urgently and aggressively taking up the cause of Myanmar’s people and ensure that any efforts to restore democracy are guided not by ineffectual ASEAN — but by the civilian leaders of Myanmar who were chosen by the people.


Widowed, I am in hiding again, separated once more from my daughter for her safety. Our troubles are not uncommon. Hundreds of thousands of people in Myanmar have lost loved ones, have been torn from homes and families, have lost livelihoods or have left everything behind to join the resistance. To those people I say: You are not alone. We stand together and will restore our democracy. There is no going back.



13) After 4 Sons Vanish, Their Mother Devotes Her Life to Mexico’s Missing

Over 100,000 people are missing in Mexico, but even amid this national agony, one mother’s story stands out both for the scope of her suffering and for her work trying to end the nation’s nightmare.

By Oscar Lopez, Nov. 11, 2022


Ms. Herrera said she had no intention of stopping her work on behalf of all the mothers in Mexico whose children are lost.

Ms. Herrera said she had no intention of stopping her work on behalf of all the mothers in Mexico whose children are lost. Credit...Marian Carrasquero for The New York Times

MEXICO CITY — Although a woman of modest means, she has traversed Mexico, filed a lawsuit against its government, met with United Nations officials and even hugged the pope, all in the service of one quest: reuniting with her four sons who have disappeared.


“A mother’s heart is in each of her children,” said María Herrera Magdaleno in a recent interview. Losing them is “the worst thing that can happen in your life.”


As successive governments have failed to end Mexico’s drug wars and the widespread violence and misery they have wreaked, more than 100,000 people are missing, and the anguished cries of mothers like Ms. Herrera have become commonplace. They are heard at protest marches in major cities, in the desert where relatives poke at the ground looking for corpses and in homes all over the country, where mothers weep alone.


But even amid this national agony, Ms. Herrera’s story stands out, both for the dimension of the horror she has suffered, and for her activism in trying to end her nightmare and that of so many of her compatriots.


Doña Mary, as she’s affectionately known, has become a leader among the mothers searching Mexico for their loved ones, connecting a disparate group of grief-stricken women into a national movement that has demanded action from a government they say has long ignored them.


“She is a powerful woman, and she’s a woman who has a capacity to connect, to educate, to convey things that are not easy to convey,” said Montserrat Castillo an activist for the disappeared who has known Ms. Herrera for a decade and now works for the organization she founded, Searching Relatives.


Her first sons to disappear were Raúl and Jesús Salvador in August 2008. The two adult brothers — Raul was 19 and Jesús Salvador 24 — were helping their mother with the business she had founded after leaving a husband she believed unfaithful, making her a single mother looking after her own eight children and two stepchildren.


Ms. Herrera, 73, began by making clothes, selling her handiwork to the families of her children’s classmates in the village in the western state of Michoacan where she lived. As her business grew, she began traveling to the nearby city of Guadalajara to buy clothes to sell in bulk. Eventually, she branched out into selling jewelry, particularly gold pieces.


As the business started to take off, her children joined in, going on the road to buy and sell gold.


But as their enterprise grew, so too did violence in Mexico: In 2006, then-president Felipe Calderón launched an all-out war on Mexico’s drug cartels, igniting a bloody battle that still rages.


Soon, this surging crime wave caught up with Ms. Herrera’s family.


Raúl and Jesús Salvador had gone to neighboring Guerrero state with five colleagues. They usually came back from such trips by the weekend. When they hadn’t returned by Saturday, Ms. Herrera said she felt an overwhelming sadness come over her and started crying for no reason.


“‘I have this feeling that something bad, something awful is happening,’” she recalls telling one of her daughters-in-law.


Dawn broke on Sunday with still no sign of them. She went to church, unable to stop crying, despite the priest’s efforts to console her. By nightfall, her sons still hadn’t appeared. Another one of her sons, Juan Carlos, tried calling but couldn’t reach them.


Neither Raúl nor Jesús Salvador, nor any of their five colleagues, have been seen again.


“It’s something I almost don’t want to remember,” she said through tears. “But it’s so marked on you that you can’t forget.”


Ms. Herrera went to the local government office in her village to ask for help, but it offered little support. So she set out with Juan Carlos to the town near where her sons had last been seen, Atoyac de Álvarez, in Guerrero state.


Violence had overtaken the town, as rival criminal groups fought each other for control. When Ms. Herrera went knocking door to door asking about her sons, she was met with fear and hostility.


“Get out of here,” one resident told her, Ms. Herrera recalled. “Take your children away, they’re going to kill them!”


They went to the local police station and to a nearby army barracks asking for help, but at best they were ignored, and in one instance they were threatened, according to Ms. Herrera.


Fed up with the stonewalling, Ms. Herrera traveled to Mexico City and stationed herself outside the Mexican Senate, begging for help. Eventually, she met a local congresswoman from Guerrero, who agreed to help her find her sons, lending a government car and helping file a complaint with the attorney general’s office.


Ms. Herrera began devoting all her time and resources to the search, selling her business to support the cost. She also forbade her other sons from going out on the road for their gold-selling business, fearful of what could happen as murders in Mexico soared.


But after two years with no sign of her sons, money started running out. To cut costs when she traveled to the capital, Ms. Herrera began sleeping at the bus station.


Her children began pressing her to let them travel again.


“‘Mom, let us go out and work,’” she said her son Gustavo asked of her as he drove his mother to the bus station for another trip to Mexico City. “We don’t have anything left, we’re going into debt.”


That trip would be the last time she ever spoke to her son.


Just over two years after Raúl and Jesús Salvador had gone missing, Gustavo, 28 at the time, and his brother Luís Armando, then 24, disappeared while on a work trip in eastern Veracruz state, where violence was also on the rise.


On hearing the news, Ms. Herrera fell into a deep depression.


“I wanted to die,” she said. “My whole family is destroyed.”


At last, the voices of her grandchildren roused her. She began traveling again to Mexico City. But the process proved fruitless.


“We went to all the national offices in all the places where my children had passed through,” Ms. Herrera said. “No one gave us an answer.”


Such encounters with a justice system that is inefficient at best and incompetent at worst are common in Mexico. As of last November, no more than 6 percent of disappearance cases had resulted in prosecutions, according to the United Nations.


Authorities across the country are known to work in tandem with organized crime, and it is likely that the local police were involved in or at least had knowledge of all four young men’s disappearances, according to Sofia de Robina, a lawyer for Ms. Herrera.


In 2011, on one of her trips to follow up with the authorities on the fate of her sons, Ms. Herrera came across a growing protest movement founded by the Mexican poet Javier Sicilia, after his son and six other young men were killed by gang members. Called the Movement for Peace With Justice and Dignity, Mr. Sicilia led caravans across Mexico calling for an end to violence.


Ms. Herrera went and spoke to a rally in the city of Morelia, taking with her laminated photos of her four missing sons.


“I heard a harrowing cry when they yelled: ‘You’re not alone, you’re not alone,’” Ms. Herrera said. “In that cry I felt a kind of strength, and I joined the caravan.”


She traveled the country for two weeks, including to Guerrero and Veracruz. But though she found no sign of her sons, she did find something else: dozens of other mothers, brothers, sisters and sons with missing relatives.


“It was something very, very cruel for me to discover that it wasn’t just me,” Ms. Herrera said. “And from there, we started to share that pain, to share that energy, all this anger, all this suffering, to know each other and scream as one.”


But solidarity alone could get them only so far.


Ms. Herrera realized all those parents needed more resources and the knowledge of how to look for their missing children. So she began convincing universities to give workshops on how to search for missing people, the majority of whom are presumed to be killed and buried in unidentified graves.


She also began organizing conferences, where women from all over Mexico would learn from anthropologists and forensic experts how to look for signs of disturbed earth that might point to a hidden grave, and how to identify human remains.


These women then took their knowledge home, forming their own collectives to perform the work the government was failing to do: Looking for their children. When Ms. Herrera started this work, there was just a handful of these groups in the national network she helped found. Now, there are more than 160.


“We organized ourselves,” she said, “because we learned that from them,” she said, referring to the criminal gangs.


Ms. Herrera has gone countless times to Guerrero and Veracruz, digging in the dirt for any sign of her children. So common are clandestine graves in those states, she frequently finds some kind of human remains. When she or other collectives identify bones or other remains, they are handed over to the local prosecutor’s office for DNA testing.


As of yet, none of the remains have been identified as her sons.


Her work isn’t without risk: Her family has received threatening phone calls, and in the last two years, five mothers looking for disappeared children have been killed.


Ms. Herrera has remarried, and although she says she takes comfort in her new relationship, she can’t truly be happy knowing her sons are still missing.


“Any kind of joy is clouded by this pain,” she said.


And so she has continued her work. In May, she traveled to the Vatican and met Pope Francis, asking for a blessing for her sons and all the other missing people in Mexico.


“I told him, bless all these mothers who are living through this horrific situation,” she recalls telling the pontiff. “It’s a terror that we are living through.”


Last week, Ms. Herrera sued the Mexican government before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights in Washington, for its possible role in her sons’ disappearance, either through direct involvement or omission, and for failing to tackle the crisis of disappearance in Mexico.


Ms. Herrera said she had no intention of stopping her work, not just for her, but for all the mothers in Mexico whose children are lost.


“As long as God lets me, and until I really can’t any longer, I’m going to keep at it,” she said. “I understand that pain, you know, that tremendous love.”