1/26/2020

bauaw2003 BAUAW NEWSLETTER, SUNDAY, JANUARY 26, 2020

 



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12:00 Noon

Powell and Market

San Francisco



U.S. aggression against Iran threatens to begin yet another disastrous, bloody war. The people of the world must fight back and demand: No war on Iran!

On Saturday, January 25, actions across the world will oppose a new war in West Asia.. Now is the time for all those opposed to war to speak up. 


Initiators for this call include  United National Antiwar Coalition (UNAC), the International Action Center, ANSWER Coalition, CODEPINK, Popular Resistance, Black Alliance for Peace, National Iranian-American Council (NIAC), Veterans For Peace, U.S. Labor Against the War (USLAW), Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), Pastors for Peace/Interreligious Foundation for Community Organization (IFCO), International Workers Solidarity Network, United For Peace and Justice, FIRE (Fight for Im/migrants and Refugees Everywhere), Alliance For Global Justice (AFGJ), December 12th Movement, World Beyond War, Peoples Opposition to War Imperialism and Racism (POWIR), Dorothy Day Catholic Worker, Dominican Sisters/ICAN, Nonviolence International, No War on Venezuela, Food Not Bombs, and many other antiwar and peace organizations..


Please join:

https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLScNrf_CDr9uilSQtUvnbcxNIaC29QwMnEqVPlPFane8ktEtqA/viewform

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Save The Date: Black Lives Matter at School Week, February 3-7, 2020.



Mark your calendar! The Black Lives Matter at School national week of action will be held from February 3-7th, 2020–and educators from coast to coast are organizing to make this the biggest coordinated uprising for racial justice in the schools yet. 

Black Lives Matter At School is a national coalition educators, parents and students organizing for racial justice in education..  We encourage community organizations and unions to join our annual week of action during the first week of February each year. To learn more about how to participate in the week of action, please check out the BLM@School starter kit.. 

If you or your organization would like to support or endorse the week of action, please email us at: BlackLivesMatterAtSchool2@gmail..com...  

During the 2018-2019 school year, BLM@School held its second national week of action in some 30 different citiesaround the country.. During the nationally organized week of action, thousands of educators around the U...S..... wore Black Lives Matter shirts to school and taught lessons about the guiding principles of the Black Lives Matter Global Network, structural racism, intersectional black identities, black history, and anti-racist social movements. 

In addition to centering Blackness in the classroom, BLM at School has these four demands:

1) End "zero tolerance" discipline, and implement restorative justice

3) Mandate Black history and Ethnic Studies in K-12 curriculum

The lessons that educators teach during the week of action corresponded to the guiding principles of Black Lives Matter:

Monday: Restorative Justice, Empathy and Loving Engagement

Tuesday: Diversity and Globalism

Wednesday: Trans-Affirming, Queer Affirming and Collective Value

Thursday: Intergenerational, Black Families and Black Villages

Friday: Black Women and Unapologetically Black

With your help, this year's BLM at School week of action can continue to grow and provide healing for Black students.  Learn more about how to participate by visiting our website, www.BlackLivesMatterAtSchool.com... Let us know what you are planning for BLM at School week this school year or ask us how to get involved with the action by emailing us at: BlackLivesMatterAtSchool2@gmail.com..

Related

https://blacklivesmatteratschool......com/2019/10/15/save-the-date-black-lives-matter-at-school-week-feb-3-7-2020/










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Join the International Days of Action against Sanctions and Economic War March 13-15, 2020

Sanctions Kill!

Sanctions are War!

End Sanctions Now!


Organize an event in your area against U.S. imposed sanctions! Help build a Global Movement with hundreds of actions around the world March 13-15


Help expose this war crime against people of the world.


Add your endorsement at: https://sanctionskill..org/


List events and contact info at: info@SanctionsKill.org

Sanctions Kill!

Sanctions are War!

End Sanctions Now!


Please add your endorsement and help spread the word



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Party for Socialism and Liberation

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Presidential candidate Gloria La Riva denounces Trump's new Iran sanctions

La Riva speaking on human impact of U.S. Sanctions

Campaign tweet of La Riva at anti-war protest speaking on the human impact of U..S. sanctions

"Sanctions are a silent killer that have already had devastating effects in Iraq and Iran. I denounce Mike Pompeo's and Steven Mnuchin's announcement of more sanctions on Iran, which are solely intended to create suffering on the Iranian people," said Gloria La Riva, 2020 presidential candidate and longtime anti-war activist.

"It is clear that the Trump administration is not backing down from its belligerence. In fact, Trump is forcefully pursuing further confrontation, and is all the more reason for us to remain mobilized against a new war on Iran."

Join the Sat. Jan. 25 – Global Day of Protest – No War On Iran!

"Sanctions are an act of war," she continued, "I traveled three times to Iraq during the 1990's when the United States government imposed a total blockade of the country for more than 12 years. I witnessed the human toll, thousands of people dying every month from the blocking of food, medicine, and infrastructure materials after the 78-day U.S.. military bombing of 1991."

La Riva produced the 1998 award-winning documentary, Genocide by Sanctions: The Case of Iraq, based on her investigative work there...

"And now President Trump, via executive order, is virtually tightening a noose on Iran." In the Friday address Treasury Secretary Mnuchin announced that Trump's sanctions included penalties that would be applied to any individual or governments trading with or involved with Iranian construction, manufacturing, textiles or mining industries.

"Sanctions are designed to destabilize a country's society, they are part of a larger war drive," La Riva said. "They hit the most vulnerable people first, the sick, young children, elderly and the poor because they lose access to necessary items. In Iran the prices of potatoes have already increased over 300% from previous sanctions. The costs of rice and chicken and many other goods have gone up. The point of sanctions is to create suffering—with these kinds of acts it is no wonder Iran and the Iraqi Parliament have called for the expulsion of the U.S. military from the region.

"There is no justification for these sanctions. In fact United Nations resolutions state that there is no justification for policies that target a whole population.. Such an act of aggression is recognized as genocide."

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo claimed that Iranian general Qassem Soleimani was behind imminent threats to Americans but when asked for specifics, he only cited the death of a U.S.. contractor killed in Iraq. However, that was weeks prior to the killing of Soleimani.

La Riva said, "by logic and definition a past occurrence does not constitute not an imminent threat. What we know instead is that with Trump's abrogation of the JCPOA, he embarked a while ago on an offensive that the people of the United States and worldwide are extremely worried about.."

La Riva has been in the streets of San Francisco with thousands of other people demanding No New War on Iran..

She is running nationally for the Party for Socialism and Liberation, and in California she is seeking the Peace and Freedom Party nomination. Her vice-presidential candidate is Leonard Peltier, Native political prisoner unjustly held in federal prison now for 43 years.

Point five of La Riva's Presidential 10 Point Program reads, "Shut down all U.S. military bases around the world—bring all the troops, planes & ships home.. U.S. foreign policy uses the pretext of national security to enforce the imperialist interests of the biggest banks and corporations. That is what is behind the endless wars and occupations. Use the $1 trillion military budget instead to provide for people's needs here and worldwide. Abolish nuclear weapons.. Stop U.S. aid to Israel. Self-determination for the Palestinian people, including the right of return. End the U.S. blockade of Cuba and sanctions against Venezuela, Iran and all countries. Independence for Puerto Rico and cancel its debt!"

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Party for Socialism and Liberation

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La Riva / Peltier 2020 Campaign
10-Point Program

10 Point Program

The 10-Point Program of the La Riva/Peltier 2020 Campaign is a fighting program that represents the interests and needs of the vast majority of people of the United States and extends international solidarity to the peoples of the world. Our campaign will reach to every corner of the U.S. with the message that only socialism can solve the crises of climate change, racism, poverty and war. It will take a people's movement for real, lasting and sustainable change. We hope you will join us!

★ 1 | Make the essentials of life constitutional rights

The U.S. has more than enough so that all the essentials of life — food, housing, water, education, health care and a job or basic income can be guaranteed rights — rather than distributed only for profit. Create a completely free and public healthcare system.. Make education free—cancel all student debt. Fully fund rebuilding of the infrastructure in transport, water and utility systems. Stop all foreclosures and evictions. End all discrimination based on ability/disability.

★ 2 | For the Earth to live, capitalism must be replaced by a socialist system

Global warming, pollution, acidified and depleted oceans, fracking, critical drought, plastics choking the seas, nuclear weapons and waste — it is clear that capitalism and production for profit are destroying the planet and threatening all life. The crisis is already here, with the most vulnerable and oppressed areas of the U.S. and Global South bearing the brunt. Using truly sustainable energy and seizing the oil and coal companies to stop fossil fuel pollution, are urgent steps needed to reverse climate change. Ultimately, only the socialist reorganization of society can assure the future of the people and the planet.

★ 3 | End racism, police brutality, mass incarceration. Pay reparations to the African American community

Mass incarceration and racist policing are symptomatic of the 400 years of brutal repression meted out to African-descended peoples in the U.S. Reparations must be paid! More than 2.2 million people are behind bars in the largest prison complex in the world. End mass incarceration of all oppressed and working-class people. Fully prosecute all acts of police brutality and violence. Free Leonard Peltier, Mumia Abu-Jamal and all political prisoners!

★ 4 | Full rights for all immigrants

Abolish all anti-immigrant laws. Stop the raids and deportations and demonization of immigrants..... Shut down ICE and the concentration camps and reunite families. The government's war on immigrants must end. The border wall must be dismantled. Amnesty and citizenship for those without documents... Full rights for all!

★ 5 | Shut down all U.S.. military bases around the world—bring all the troops, planes & ships home

U.S. foreign policy uses the pretext of national security to enforce the imperialist interests of the biggest banks and corporations. That is what is behind the endless wars and occupations. Use the $1 trillion military budget instead to provide for people's needs here and worldwide. Abolish nuclear weapons. Stop U.S.. aid to Israel. Self-determination for the Palestinian people, including the right of return. End the U.S. blockade of Cuba and sanctions against Venezuela, Iran and all countries. Independence for Puerto Rico and cancel its debt!

★ 6 | Honor Native treaties. Free Leonard Peltier now

Both major parties have continued to allow the destruction and theft of Native lands by mining and corporate agricultural interests in blatant disregard of indigenous sovereign rights. 33% of Native children live in poverty and many of the poorest U.S. counties are reservations. The crisis of missing and murdered Indigenous women and the over-incarceration of Native peoples shows the bankruptcy of capitalism from its earliest inception in the Americas until today..

★ 7 | Full equality for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer people

Fight back against anti-LGBTQ discrimination and violence... Defend marriage equality. Full equality in all matters governed by civil law, including employment, housing, healthcare and education. No to "religious exemption" laws that allow discrimination against LGBTQ people!

★ 8 | Equality for women and free, safe, legal abortion on demand

Stop the attack on women's reproductive rights and defend Roe v. Wade... Women must have the fundamental right to choose and to control their own bodies. Women still earn 22 percent less than men, and the gap is even more severe for Black and Latina women. Close the wage gap and end the gender division of labor...

★ 9 | Defend and expand our unions

Support the right of all workers to have a union. Fight back against the attacks on collective bargaining.. Require employers to recognize card check union votes. Repeal the Taft-Hartley Act. Focusing on low-wage worker organizing, rebuild a fighting labor movement.

★ 10 | Take over the stolen wealth of the giant banks and corporations – Jail Wall St.. criminals

The vast wealth of the giant banks and corporations is created by workers labor and the exploitation of the world's diminishing natural resources. The billionaires looted and destroyed the economy. It is time to seize their assets and use those resources in the interests of the vast majority. Power must be taken out of the hands of the super rich, and Wall Street criminals must be jailed.

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Dona




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Chelsea Manning just spent another birthday behind bars.


Sign the Petition: Free Chelsea Manning Now

Judge Anthony Trenga

Chelsea-1000x600

In 2010, former military intelligence analyst Chelsea Manning disclosed earth-shattering information about the nature of asymmetric warfare and U.S. handling of global affairs. And she paid dearly for it. Chelsea was incarcerated for years, including long stretches in solitary confinement, under conditions that the United Nations condemned as torture.

After millions of people around the world spoke out and demanded her release, Chelsea's sentence was commuted. But the US government did not stop persecuting her.

Now, Chelsea has been back in jail for nine months, and faces nine more. Not because she has committed any crime, but because of her conscientious objection to participating in a secretive grand jury investigation into the publication of her 2010 disclosures.

Between their original forensic investigation and Chelsea's detailed statement at court martial, the government gained exhaustive knowledge about her role in the disclosures. They have no need for her testimony—they obtained at least one indictment a full year before she was called to testify before the grand jury, and disclosed another two months after she was jailed for her refusal to do so.

Chelsea's refusal to participate in this process is part of a long history of resistance to grand juries, which are routinely used to harass and entrap activists, journalists, and truth tellers. In a shocking move, the judge in the case has imposed massive fines on Chelsea, charging her $1,000 per day while the US government holds her in "coercive confinement," ostensibly to convince her to agree to their demand that she give testimony to the grand jury.

We know Chelsea Manning's name because she is a principled and fearless advocate for her beliefs. She is prepared to spend another nine months in confinement, and to bear the crushing debt of these unprecedented fines.... Senior U.S. officials, including the Secretary of State and the President himself have publicly expressed their hostility toward her. It could not be more clear that the government wishes to punish Chelsea further for her 2010 disclosures. It could not be more clear that she will never comply with the grand jury.

Chelsea has already served half of the 18 month maximum that the government can hold her. She's about to spend another birthday in a jail cell. The US government has no legal justification for continuing to imprison her. This must stop. Sign the petition now to send the following letter to Judge Trenga demanding Chelsea Manning's immediate release.

To: Judge Anthony Trenga 
From: 

Dear Honorable Judge Trenga,

I am writing to ask you to recognize that continuing to keep Chelsea Manning behind bars is both futile and cruel. She is known to the world as a principled advocate, and everything she does and says demonstrates her strong will and commitment to her ideals. Her testimony in this grand jury is not needed, and her current incarceration appears to be an attempt to punish her further for past offenses. As she will never be convinced to betray her principles, even by jail time or burdensome fines, her imprisonment does not serve the interests of the grand jury, the government, the court, or the law.

Please make the right decision and order her release so that she may return to her community and heal in peace.

Questions and comments may be sent to info@freedomarchives...org


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Stop Kevin Cooper's Abuse by San Quentin Prison Guards!

https://www.change.org/p/san-quentin-warden-ronald-davis-stop-kevin-cooper-s-abuse-by-san-quentin-prison-guards-2ace89a7-a13e-44ab-b70c-c18acbbfeb59?recruiter=747387046&recruited_by_id=3ea6ecd0-69ba-11e7-b7ef-51d8e2da53ef&utm_source=share_petition&utm_medium=copylink&utm_campaign=petition_dashboard&use_react=false


On Wednesday, September 25, Kevin Cooper's cell at San Quentin Prison was thrown into disarray and his personal food dumped into the toilet by a prison guard, A. Young.


The cells on East Block Bayside, where Kevin's cell is, were all searched on September 25 during Mandatory Yard. Kevin spent the day out in the yard with other inmates. In a letter, Kevin described what he found when he returned:


"This cage was hit hard, like a hurricane was in here .. ... . little by little I started to clean up and put my personal items back inside the boxes that were not taken .. . .. I go over to the toilet, lift up the seatcover and to my surprise and shock the toilet was completely filled up with my refried beans, and my brown rice. Both were in two separate cereal bags and both cereal bags were full. The raisin bran cereal bags were gone, and my food was in the toilet!"


A bucket was eventually brought over and:


"I had to get down on my knees and dig my food out of the toilet with my hands so that I could flush the toilet. The food, which was dried refried beans and dried brown rice had absorbed the water in the toilet and had become cement hard. It took me about 45 minutes to get enough of my food out of the toilet before it would flush."


Even the guard working the tier at the time told Kevin, "K.C., that is f_cked up!"


A receipt was left in Kevin's cell identifying the guard who did this as A. Young. Kevin has never met Officer A.... Young, and has had no contact with him besides Officer Young's unprovoked act of harassment and psychological abuse...


Kevin Cooper has served over 34 years at San Quentin, fighting for exoneration from the conviction for murders he did not commit. It is unconscionable for him to be treated so disrespectfully by prison staff on top of the years of his incarceration.


No guard should work at San Quentin if they cannot treat prisoners and their personal belongings with basic courtesy and respect............ Kevin has filed a grievance against A. Young. Please:


1) Sign this petition calling on San Quentin Warden Ronald Davis to grant Kevin's grievance and discipline "Officer" A. Young.


2) Call Warden Ronald Davis at: (415) 454-1460 Ext. 5000. Tell him that Officer Young's behaviour was inexcusable, and should not be tolerated...


3) Call Yasir Samar, Associate Warden of Specialized Housing, at (415) 455-5037


4) Write Warden Davis and Lt. Sam Robinson (separately) at:


Main Street

San Quentin, CA 94964

5) Email Lt. Sam Robinson at: samuel.robinson2@cdcr............ca.gov



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Sign Global Petition to Dismiss Charges Against Anti-Nuclear Plowshares Activists Facing 25 Years

US ATTORNEY GENERAL WILLIAM BARR

This is an urgent request that you join with distinguished global supporters including Archbishop Desmond Tutu, other Nobel laureates and many others by signing our global petition to dismiss all charges against the Kings Bay Plowshares 7 (KBP7). They face 25 years in prison for exposing illegal and immoral nuclear weapons that threaten all life on Earth. The seven nonviolently and symbolically disarmed the Trident nuclear submarine base at Kings Bay, GA on April 4, 2018, the 50th anniversary of the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. (View KBP7 reading their statement here..)


This petition is also a plea for us all to be involved in rebuilding the anti-nuclear weapons movement that helped disarm the world's nuclear arsenals from 90,000 down to 15,000 weapons in the 1980s.. We must abolish them all. The KBP7 trial is expected to begin this fall in Georgia. Time is short. Please sign the petition and visit kingsbayplowshares7...org. Help KBP7 by forwarding their petition to your friends, to lists, and post it on social media...


The Kings Bay Plowshares 7 have offered us their prophetic witness. Now it's up to us!


In peace and solidarity,


The Kings Bay Plowshares 7 Support Committee

https://actionnetwork.org/petitions/sign-global-petition-to-dismiss-charges-against-anti-nuclear-plowshares-activists-facing-25-years?source=direct_link&




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Support the return of Leonard Peltier's Medicine Bundle


November 1, 2019


Dear Friends and supporters,

We need your help in getting Leonard Peltier's- (89637-132) Medicine Bundle returned to him. His Medicine Bundle includes: Pipe bowel, Pipe stem, Eagle feathers, sage and cedar. Leonard is at USP Coleman1, in Coleman FL. which has been locked down since mid-July. This lockdown has led to many "shakedowns" that is where the guards go in to a cell and check it for weapons. Leonard said in a legal letter,  that on"10/22/2019 the shakedown crew came to his cell and destroyed itThey came in and tore apart everything and threw out everything they couldjust because they couldThe most painfuland what caused me the most anger was when they took my religious itemsmyPipe (Chunapain myMedicine Bundleuse in my prayers."

Leonard's lawyer was immediately on top of the situation and asked us to hold off until he could reach Leonard's counselor and get the Bundlereturned.  I heard from the attorney last night and he said the prison has not returned Leonard his Medicine Bundle nor give them any reason for itbeing taken. 


Leonard Peltier as a citizen of the Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewaa federally recognized American Indian Nation is afforded all the legalprotections and rights pursuant to the American Indian Freedom of Religion Act codified at Title 42 United States Code 1996 et.seq.


I am asking if today you would send e-mails to Coleman I SR. Attorney J.C. DiNicola jcdinicola@bop.gov, public relations officer-COA/Publicinformation@bop.gov and to thenBOP-Southwest Regional office SERO/ExecAssistant@bop..gov requesting the return of Leonard Peltier 89637-132, Medicine Bundle... 


This lockdown has been extremely hard on Leonard and his Medicine Bundle is his way to help him maintain his relationship to his Creator!


Miigwech

Paulette Dauteuil ILPDC National Office

Sheridan Murphy- President of the ILPDC Board

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Freedom Archives 522 Valencia Street San Francisco, CA 94110 415 863......9977 https://freedomarchives..org/




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Leonard Peltier's 2019 Thanksgiving Message: "Walking on Stolen Land"

by Levi Rickert

Published November 23, 2019


COLEMAN, FLORIDA – Leonard Peltier, Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa Indians, who is incarcerated at the U.S. Penitentiary in Coleman, Florida, for his 1977 conviction in connection with a shootout with U.S.............. government forces, where two FBI agents and one young American Indian lost their lives........

Peltier, who is considered a political prisoner of war by many, released this statement on Thanksgiving through the Leonard Peltier Defense Committee:


The year of 2019 is coming to a close and with it, comes the day most Americans set aside as a day for Thanksgiving. As I let my mind wander beyond the steel bars and concrete walls, I try to imagine what the people who live outside the prison gates are doing, and what they are thinking. Do they ever think of the Indigenous people who were forced from their homelands? Do they understand that with every step they take, no matter the direction, that they are walking on stolen land? Can they imagine, even for one minute, what it was like to watch the suffering of the women, the children and babies and yes, the sick and elderly, as they were made to keep pushing west in freezing temperatures, with little or no food? These were my people and this was our land... There was a time when we enjoyed freedom and were able to hunt buffalo and gather the foods and sacred medicines.. We were able to fish and we enjoyed the clean clear water! My people were generous, we shared everything we had, including the knowledge of how to survive the long harsh winters or the hot humid summers. We were appreciative of the gifts from our Creator and remembered to give thanks on a daily basis... We had ceremonies and special dances that were a celebration of life.


With the coming of foreigners to our shores, life as we knew it would change drastically. Individual ownership was foreign to my people............ Fences?? Unheard of, back then. We were a communal people and we took care of each other. Our grandparents weren't isolated from us! They were the wisdom keepers and story tellers and were an important link in our families.. The babies? They were and are our future! Look at the brilliant young people who put themselves at risk, fighting to keep our water and environment clean and safe for the generations yet to come.. They are willing to confront the giant, multi-national corporations by educating the general public of the devastation being caused. I smile with hope when I think of them.. They are fearless and ready to speak the truth to all who are willing to listen.. We also remember our brothers and sisters of Bolivia, who are rioting, in support of the first Indigenous President, Evo Morales. His commitment to the people, the land, their resources and protection against corruption is commendable. We recognize and identify with that struggle so well..


So today, I thank all of the people who are willing to have an open mind, those who are willing to accept the responsibility of planning for seven generations ahead, those who remember the sacrifices made by our ancestors so we can continue to speak our own language, practice our own way of thankfulness in our own skin, and that we always acknowledge and respect the Indigenous linage that we carry..


For those of you who are thankful that you have enough food to feed your families, please give to those who aren't as fortunate. If you are warm and have a comfortable shelter to live in, please give to those who are cold and homeless, if you see someone hurting and in need of a kind word or two, be that person who steps forward and lends a hand. And especially, when you see injustice anywhere, please be brave enough to speak up to confront it.


I want to thank all who are kind enough to remember me and my family in your thoughts and prayers. Thank you for continuing to support and believe in me... There isn't a minute in any day that passes without me hoping that this will be the day I will be granted freedom. I long for the day when I can smell clean fresh air, when I can feel a gentle breeze in my hair, witness the clouds as their movement hides the sun and when the moon shines the light on the path to the sacred Inipi. That would truly be a day I could call a day of Thanksgiving.


Thank you for listening to whomever is voicing my words. My Spirit is there with you.


Doksha,

In the Spirit of Crazy Horse,

Leonard Peltier



Levi Rickert, a tribal citizen of the Prairie Band Potawatomi Nation, is the publisher and editor of Native News Online. Previously, he served as editor of the Native News Network...... He is a resident of Grand Rapids, Michigan....


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Eddie Conway's Update on Forgotten Political Prisoners


EDDIE CONWAY: I'm Eddie Conway, host of Rattling the Bars. As many well-known political prisoners like Mumia Abu-Jamal continue to suffer in prison…

MUMIA ABU JAMAL: In an area where there is corporate downsizing and there are no jobs and there is only a service economy and education is being cut, which is the only rung by which people can climb, the only growth industry in this part of Pennsylvania, in the Eastern United States, in the Southern United States, in the Western United States is "corrections," for want of a better word. The corrections industry is booming. I mean, this joint here ain't five years old.

EDDIE CONWAY: …The media brings their stories to the masses.. But there are many lesser-known activists that have dropped out of the spotlight, grown old in prison, or just been forgotten..... For Rattling the Bars, we are spotlighting a few of their stories.... There was a thriving Black Panther party in Omaha, Nebraska, headed by David Rice and Ed Poindexter.... By 1968, the FBI had began plans to eliminate the Omaha Black Panthers by making an example of Rice and Poindexter. It would take a couple of years, but the FBI would frame them for murder.

KIETRYN ZYCHAL: In the 90s, Ed and Mondo both applied to the parole board. There are two different things you do in Nebraska, the parole board would grant you parole, but because they have life sentences, they were told that they have to apply to the pardons board, which is the governor, the attorney general, and the secretary of state, and ask that their life sentences be commuted to a specific number of years before they would be eligible for parole.

And so there was a movement in the 90s to try to get them out on parole.... The parole board would recommend them for parole because they were exemplary prisoners, and then the pardons board would not give them a hearing. They wouldn't even meet to determine whether they would commute their sentence..

EDDIE CONWAY: They served 45 years before Rice died in the Nebraska State Penitentiary. After several appeals, earning a master's degree, writing several books and helping other inmates, Poindexter is still serving time at the age of 75.

KEITRYN ZYCHAL: Ed Poindexter has been in jail or prison since August of 1970. He was accused of making a suitcase bomb and giving it to a 16-year-old boy named Duane Peak, and Duane Peak was supposed to take the bomb to a vacant house and call 911, and report that a woman was dragged screaming into a vacant house, and when police officers showed up, one of those police officers was killed when the suitcase bomb exploded........

Ed and his late co-defendant, Mondo we Langa, who was David Rice at the time of the trial, they have always insisted that they had absolutely nothing to do with this murderous plot, and they tried to get back into court for 50 years, and they have never been able to get back into court to prove their innocence. Mondo died in March of 2016 of chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, and Ed is going to turn 75 this year, I think........ And he has spent the majority of his life in prison.. It will be 50 years in 2020 that he will be in prison.

EDDIE CONWAY: There are at least 20 Black Panthers still in prison across the United States. One is one of the most revered is H. Rap Brown, known by his Islamic name, Jamil Al-Amin.

KAIRI AL-AMIN: My father has been a target for many, many, many, many, many, many, many, many years of the federal government, and I think him being housed these last 10 years in federal penitentiaries without federal charges show that the vendetta is still strong. The federal government has not forgotten who he was as H.. Rap Brown, or who he is as Imam Jamil Al-Amin..

JAMIL AL-AMIN: See, it's no in between.. You are either free or you're a slave. There's no such thing as second-class citizenship.

EDDIE CONWAY: Most people don't realize he's still in prison. He's serving a life sentence at the United States Penitentiary in Tucson...

KAIRI AL-AMIN: Our campaign is twofold.. One, how can egregious constitutional rights violations not warrant a new trial, especially when they were done by the prosecution... And two, my father is innocent. The facts point to him being innocent, which is why we're pushing for a new trial. We know that they can't win this trial twice... The reason they won the first time was because of the gag order that was placed on my father which didn't allow us to fight in the court of public opinion as well as the court of law.. And so when you don't have anyone watching, anything can be done without any repercussion.

EDDIE CONWAY: Another well-known political prisoner that has been forgotten in the media and in the public arena is Leonard Peltier. Leonard Peltier was a member of the American Indian Movement and has been in prison for over 40 years and is now 75 years old.

SPEAKER: Leonard Peltier represents, in a very real sense, the effort, the struggle by indigenous peoples within the United States to exercise their rights as sovereign nations, recognized as such in treaties with the United States.. For the government of the United States, which has colonized all indigenous peoples to claim boundaries, keeping Leonard in prison demonstrates the costs and consequences of asserting those rights.

EDDIE CONWAY: Leonard Peltier suffers from a host of medical issues including suffering from a stroke... And if he is not released, he will die in prison..

LEONARD PELTIER: I'll be an old man when I get out, if I get out.

PAULETTE D'AUTEUIL: His wellbeing is that he rarely gets a family visit. His children live in California and North Dakota. Both places are a good 2000 miles from where he's at in Florida, so it makes it time consuming as well as expensive to come and see him. He is, health-wise, we are still working on trying to get some help for his prostate, and there has been some development of some spots on his lungs, which we are trying to get resolved....... There's an incredible mold issue in the prison, especially because in Florida it's so humid and it builds up. So we're also dealing with that...

EDDIE CONWAY: These are just a few of the almost 20 political prisoners that has remained in American prisons for 30 and 40 years, some even longer. Mutulu Shakur has been in jail for long, long decades... Assata Shakur has been hiding and forced into exile in Cuba.. Sundiata has been in prison for decades; Veronza Bower, The Move Nine.... And there's just a number of political prisoners that's done 30 or 40 years.

They need to be released and they need to have an opportunity to be back with their family, their children, their grandchildren, whoever is still alive. Any other prisoners in the United States that have the same sort of charges as those people that are being held has been released up to 15 or 20 years ago. That same justice system should work for the political prisoners also.

Thank you for joining me for this episode of Rattling the Bars. I'm Eddie Conway.....



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Courage to Resist


Reality Winner, a whistleblower who helped expose foreign hacking of US election systems leading up to the 2016 presidential election, has been behind bars since June 2017. Supporters are preparing to file a petition of clemency in hopes of an early release. Reality's five year prison sentence is by far the longest ever given for leaking information to the media about a matter of public interest......... Stand with Reality shirts, stickers, and more available. Please take a moment to sign the letter



Vietnam War combat veteran Daniel Shea on his time in Vietnam and the impact that Agent Orange and post traumatic stress had on him and his family since... Listen now

This Courage to Resist podcast was produced in collaboration with the Vietnam Full Disclosure effort of Veterans For Peace — "Towards an honest commemoration of the American war in Vietnam." This year marks 50 years of GI resistance, in and out of uniform, for many of the courageous individuals featured.. If you believe this history is important, please ...





COURAGE TO RESIST ~ SUPPORT THE TROOPS WHO REFUSE TO FIGHT!

484 Lake Park Ave #41, Oakland, California 94610 ~ 510-488-3559

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Mumia Abu-Jamal: New Chance for Freedom

Police and State Frame-Up Must Be Fully Exposed!

Mumia Abu-Jamal is innocent. Courts have ignored and suppressed evidence of his innocence for decades. But now, one court has thrown out all the decisions of the PA Supreme Court that denied Mumia's appeals against his unjust conviction during the years of 1998 to 2012! 

This ruling, by Judge Leon Tucker, was made because one judge on the PA Supreme Court during those years, Ronald Castille, was lacking the "appearance of impartiality." In plain English, he was clearly biased against Mumia. Before sitting on the PA Supreme Court, Castille had been District Attorney (or assistant DA) during the time of Mumia's frame-up and conviction, and had used his office to express a special interest in pursuing the death penalty for "cop-killers." Mumia was in the cross-hairs. Soon he was wrongly convicted and sent to death row for killing a police officer...

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Mumia Abu-Jamal is an award-winning and intrepid journalist, a former Black Panther, MOVE supporter, and a critic of police brutality and murder.  Mumia was framed by police, prosecutors, and leading elements of both Democratic and Republican parties, for the shooting of a police officer. The US Justice Department targeted him as well.. A racist judge helped convict him, and corrupt courts have kept him locked up despite much evidence that should have freed him. He continues his commentary and journalism from behind bars. As of 2019, he has been imprisoned for 37 years for a crime he did not commit. 

Time is up! FREE MUMIA NOW!

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DA's Hidden Files Show Frame-Up of Mumia

In the midst of Mumia's fight for his right to challenge the state Supreme Court's negative rulings, a new twist was revealed: six boxes of files on Mumia's case--with many more still hidden--were surreptitiously concealed for decades in a back room at the District Attorney's office in Philadelphia. The very fact that these files on Mumia's case were hidden away for decades is damning in the extreme, and their revelations confirm what we have known for decades: Mumia was framed for a crime he did not commit!

So far, the newly revealed evidence confirms that, at the time of Mumia's 1982 trial, chief prosecutor Joe McGill illegally removed black jurors from the jury, violating the Batson decision. Also revealed: The prosecution bribed witnesses into testifying that they saw Mumia shoot the slain police officer when they hadn't seen any such thing... Taxi driver Robert Chobert, who was on probation for fire-bombing a school yard at the time, had sent a letter demanding his money for lying on the stand.. Very important, but the newly revealed evidence is just the tip of the iceberg! 

All Evidence of Mumia's Innocence Must Be Brought Forward Now!

Mumia Abu-Jamal's trial for the murder of police officer Daniel Faulkner was rigged against him from beginning to end...... All of the evidence of Mumia's innocence--which was earlier suppressed or rejected--must now be heard:

• Mumia was framed - The judge at Mumia's trial, Albert Sabo, was overheard to say, "I'm gonna help 'em fry the n____r." And he proceeded to do just that.. Mumia was thrown out of his own trial for defending himself! Prosecution "witnesses" were coerced or bribed at trial to lie against Mumia.. In addition to Chobert, this included key witness Cynthia White, a prostitute who testified that she saw Mumia shoot Faulkner... White's statements had to be rewritten under intense pressure from the cops, because she was around the corner and out of sight of the shooting at the time! Police bribed her with promises of being allowed to work her corner, and not sent to state prison for her many prostitution charges.

• Mumia only arrived on the scene after Officer Faulkner was shot - William Singletary, a tow-truck business owner who had no reason to lie against the police, said he had been on the scene the whole time, that Mumia was not the shooter, and that Mumia had arrived only after the shooting of Faulkner. Singletary's statements were torn up, his business was wrecked, and he was threatened by police to be out of town for the trial (which, unfortunately, he was)...

• There is no evidence that Mumia fired a gun - Mumia was shot on the scene by an arriving police officer and arrested. But the cops did not test his hands for gun-powder residue--a standard procedure in shootings! They also did not test Faulkner's hands. The prosecution nevertheless claimed Mumia was the shooter, and that he was shot by Faulkner as the officer fell to the ground. Ballistics evidence was corrupted to falsely show that Mumia's gun was the murder weapon, when his gun was reportedly still in his taxi cab, which was in police custody days after the shooting!

• The real shooter fled the scene and was never charged - Veronica Jones was a witness who said that after hearing the shots from a block away, she had seen two people fleeing the scene of the shooting.... This could not have included Mumia, who had been shot and almost killed at the scene. Jones was threatened by the police with arrest and loss of custody of her children. She then lied on the stand at trial to say she had seen no one running away. 

• Abu-Jamal never made a confession - Mumia has always maintained his innocence. But police twice concocted confessions that Mumia never made. Inspector Alfonso Giordano, the senior officer at the crime scene, made up a confession for Mumia. But Giordano was not allowed to testify at trial, because he was top on the FBI's list of corrupt cops in the Philadelphia police force... At the DA's request, another cop handily provided a second "confession," allegedly heard by a security guard in the hospital.... But at neither time was Mumia--almost fatally shot--able to speak.. And an earlier police report by cops in the hospital said that, referring to Mumia: "the negro male made no comment"!

• The crime scene was tampered with by police - Police officers at the scene rearranged some evidence, and handled what was alleged to be Mumia's gun with their bare hands... A journalist's photos revealed this misconduct. The cops then left the scene unattended for hours. All of this indicates a frame-up in progress...

• The real shooter confessed, and revealed the reason for the crime - Arnold Beverly came forward in the 1990s. He said in a sworn statement, under penalty of perjury, that he, not Mumia, had been the actual shooter. He said that he, along with "another guy," had been hired to do the hit, because Faulkner was "a problem for the mob and corrupt policemen because he interfered with the graft and payoffs made to allow illegal activity including prostitution, gambling, drugs without prosecution in the center city area"! (affidavit of Arnold Beverly).

• The corruption of Philadelphia police is documented and well known - This includes that of Giordano, who was the first cop to manufacture a "confession" by Mumia. Meanwhile, Faulkner's cooperation with the federal anti-corruption investigations of Philadelphia police is strongly suggested by his lengthy and heavily redacted FBI file...

• Do cops kill other cops? There are other cases in Philadelphia that look that way. Frank Serpico, an NYC cop who investigated and reported on police corruption, was abandoned by fellow cops after being shot in a drug bust. Mumia was clearly made a scape-goat for the crimes of corrupt Philadelphia cops who were protecting their ill-gotten gains.

• Politicians and US DOJ helped the frame-up - Ed Rendell, former DA, PA governor, and head of the Democratic National Committee--and now a senior advisor to crime-bill author Joe Biden--is complicit in the frame-up of Mumia. The US Justice Department targeted Mumia for his anti-racist activities when he was a teenager, and later secretly warned then-prosecutor Rendell not to use Giordano as a witness against Mumia because he was an FBI target for corruption.

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All this should lead to an immediate freeing of Mumia! But we are still a ways away from that, and we have no confidence in the capitalist courts to finish the job. We must act! This victory in local court allowing new appeals must now lead to a full-court press on all the rejected and suppressed evidence of Mumia's innocence!

Mass Movement Needed To Free Mumia! 

Mumia's persecution by local, state and federal authorities of both political parties has been on-going, and has generated a world-wide movement in his defense.. This movement has seen that Mumia, as a radio journalist who exposed the brutal attacks on the black community by the police in Philadelphia, has spoken out as a defender of working people of all colors and all nationalities in his ongoing commentaries (now on KPFA/Pacifica radio), despite being on death row, and now while serving life without the possibility of parole (LWOP)..

In 1999, Oakland Teachers for Mumia held unauthorized teach-ins in Oakland schools on Mumia and the death penalty, despite the rabid hysteria in the bourgeois media. Teachers in Rio de Janeiro held similar actions. Letters of support came in from maritime workers and trade unions around the world.. Later in 1999, longshore workers shut down all the ports on the West Coast to free Mumia, and led a mass march of 25,000 Mumia supporters in San Francisco......... 

A year later, a federal court lifted Mumia's death sentence, based on improper instructions to the jury by trial judge Albert Sabo.. The federal court ordered the local court to hold a new sentencing hearing... Fearing their frame-up of Mumia could be revealed in any new hearing, even if only on sentencing, state officials passed. Much to the chagrin of the Fraternal Order of Police (FOP)--which still seeks Mumia's death--this left Mumia with LWOP, death by life in prison. 

Mumia supporters waged a struggle to get him the cure for the deadly Hepatitis-C virus, which he had likely contracted through a blood transfusion in hospital after he was shot by a cop at the 1981 crime scene. The Labor Action Committee conducted demonstrations against Gilead Sciences, the Foster City CA corporation that owns the cure, and charged $1,000 per pill! The Metalworkers Union of South Africa wrote a letter excoriating Governor Wolf for allowing untreated sick freedom fighters to die in prison as the apartheid government had done. Finally, Mumia did get the cure. Now, more than ever, struggle is needed to free Mumia!

Now is the Time: Mobilize Again for Mumia's Freedom!

Labor Action Committee To Free Mumia Abu-Jamal


Labor Action Committee to Free Mumia Abu-Jamal | Mumia Abu-Jamal is an I.....



November 2019


"There is no time for despair, no need for silence, no room for fear. We speak, we write, we do language.. This is how civilizations heal."


-Toni Morrison


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Board Game

https://www.thegamecrafter.com/games/race-for-solidarity


Solidarity against racism has existed from the 1600's and continues until today

An exciting board game of chance, empathy and wisdom, that entertains and educates as it builds solidarity through learning about the destructive history of American racism and those who always fought back. Appreciate the anti-racist solidarity of working people, who built and are still building, the great progressive movements of history.. There are over 200 questions, with answers and references.

Spread the word!!

By Dr. Nayvin Gordon



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Action Alert for Shaka Shakur

Urgent Action Alert: Stop Prison Officials from Blocking Shaka Shakur's Access to Educational and Vocational Services


Shaka Shakur is a politically active, incarcerated, New Afrikan who was transferred on December 18th, 2018, from the Indiana Department of Corrections (IDOC) to the Virginia Department of Corrections (VADOC) as part of campaign to neutralize his activism by prison officials. This transfer was done in violation of his due process rights as a prisoner. He is currently incarcerated at the Sussex 1 State Prison in Waverly, Virginia... His VA DOC # is 135647..........  Since being held there, his right to access educational and vocational programs has been violated. Below is a summary of these violations in Shaka's own words:


"1) i was moved out of the state of Indiana against my will in violation of Indiana Code and due process.. i was never afforded any form of hearing where i was informed as to why i was being shipped out of state nor allowed to present evidence challenging the decision to move me...


2) Upon my arrival to the prison system in Virginia, i was never given any form of orientation.. I've never been informed as to what my rights are, nor informed as to how i can go about challenging any decision made by the state of Va. I've only been informed that the state of Va has custody of my body and that all decisions pertaining to my classification, security level and placement was being determined and controlled by the state of Indiana and its Department of Corrections (IDOC).


3) There is supposed to be an IDOC liaison that oversees my placement in Va and communicates with an official in the Virginia Department of Corrections (VDOC) named Ms. Collins. She has refused to respond to any and all efforts to contact her by myself or any outside sources... Any questions i've had pertaining to video visits, security level, placement, and classification have gone unanswered except for being told that it is up to Indiana.


4) Per Indiana Code i am supposed to be afforded the same rights and privileges as if i was still in Indiana. That includes jobs, programming, religious services etc....s To deny me such is a const violation and discrimination.... In fact, it denies me equal protection under the law. I am not being allowed to find a job outside of the housing unit.. i'm being told that i'm not going to be allowed to drop my security level even though my points will drop as low as 10 points in Va and less than 15 in indiana. Both of which would qualify me for a level 3 security level placement.


5) The counselor Ponce falsified my classification review/progress report by lying and saying that i had assaulted a staff member within the last 12 months. This was in order to justify my continued placement at a level 4/5 prison. When this was brought to her attention, she pretended that she had corrected it and instead further falsified the report and then blamed it on Indiana.. i have copies of these documents and my lawyer have the originals [see images posted in event below]."


Furthermore:


6) The doctors at Sussex 1 have not been provided with Shaka's medical records past 2014... Shaka experiences nerve and other issues due to a degenerative disc on which he has been operated. Without these records he cannot be provided with the necessary care for his chronic condition.


7)There is no appeals process available to Shaka or any other out-of-state inmate. Indiana code establishes the sender state [Indiana] as having unchallenged authority in cases of interstate transfer. Having access only to internal grievance procedures in Virginia, Shaka is unable to appeal decisions made in Indiana


You can read about Shaka's long history of activism and rebellious activity in Indiana prisons here and here..


What You Can Do to Support Shaka:


On Monday, 11/11, call  the Indiana DOC Executive Director of Classification Jack Hendrix at (317) 232-2247. Leave a message with whoever you are able to speak to, or a voicemail. You can also email Jack Hendrix at jdhendrix@idoc.in...gov..


Please tell them to drop Shaka's  security level dropped to a level 3 for which he qualifies so that he can access vocational and educational programs, or to authorize Shaka's lateral transfer to a facility where he can be allowed to participate in vocational and educational programs...........


As Shaka stated:


"How am i supposed to work my way back to Indiana if i'm not being allowed to participate in anything positive or constructive?"


To make a donation to Shaka Shakur's legal defense fund and for more info on his case, go to https://www.....gofundme.com/f/shaka-shakur-legal-defense-fund


For more information, contact Seth Donnelly at sethdonnelly2000@yahoo..com.......



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50 years in prison: 

ENOUGH IS ENOUGH!!


FREE Chip Fitzgerald 

Grandfather, Father, Elder, Friend

former Black Panther 

              

Romaine "Chip" Fitzgerald has been in prison since he was locked up 50 years ago...... A former member of the Black Panther Party, Chip is now 70 years old, and suffering the consequences of a serious stroke. He depends on a wheelchair for his mobility. He has appeared before the parole board 17 times, but they refuse to release him..


NOW is the time for Chip to come home!


In September 1969, Chip and two other Panthers were stopped by a highway patrolman..... During the traffic stop, a shooting broke out, leaving Chip and a police officer both wounded. Chip was arrested a month later and charged with attempted murder of the police and an unrelated murder of a security guard. Though the evidence against him was weak and Chip denied any involvement, he was convicted and sentenced to death.


In 1972, the California Supreme Court outlawed the death penalty... Chip and others on Death Row had their sentences commuted to Life imprisonment with the possibility of parole. All of them became eligible for parole after serving 7 more years.... But Chip was rejected for parole, as he has been ever since. 


Parole for Lifers basically stopped under Governors Deukmajian, Wilson, and Davis (1983-2003), resulting in increasing numbers of people in prison and 23 new prisons. People in prison filed lawsuits in federal courts: people were dying as a result of the overcrowding.. To rapidly reduce the number of people in prison, the court mandated new parole hearings:

·        for anyone 60 years or older who had served 25 years or more;

·        for anyone convicted before they were 23 years old;

·        for anyone with disabilities 


Chip qualified for a new parole hearing by meeting all three criteria.


But the California Board of Parole Hearings has used other methods to keep Chip locked up. Although the courts ordered that prison rule infractions should not be used in parole considerations, Chip has been denied parole because he had a cellphone...


Throughout his 50 years in prison, Chip has been denied his right to due process – a new parole hearing as ordered by Federal courts. He is now 70, and addressing the challenges of a stroke victim. His recent rules violation of cellphone possession were non-violent and posed no threat to anyone. He has never been found likely to commit any crimes if released to the community – a community of his children, grandchildren, friends and colleagues who are ready to support him and welcome him home.


The California Board of Parole Hearings is holding Chip hostage....


We call on Governor Newsom to release Chip immediately.


What YOU can do to support this campaign to FREE CHIP:



1)   Sign and circulate the petition to FREE Chip. Download it at https://www.change.org/p/california-free-chip-fitzgerald

Print out the petition and get signatures at your workplace, community meeting, or next social gathering.


2)   Write an email to Governor Newsom's office (sample message at:https://docs..google.com/document/d/1iwbP_eQEg2J1T2h-tLKE-Dn2ZfpuLx9MuNv2z605DMc/edit?usp=sharing


3)   Write to Chip: 

 Romaine "Chip" Fitzgerald #B27527,

CSP-LAC

P.O. Box 4490

B-4-150

Lancaster, CA 93539


--

Freedom Archives 522 Valencia Street San Francisco, CA 94110 415 863........9977 https://freedomarchives.org/



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Support Chuck Africa for Parole

Michael Africa Jr. started this petition to Pennsylvania Governor


Charles Sims Africa #AM 4975 has been in prison since age 18... He is now 59 years old and a recovering cancer patient. He has been eligible for parole since 2008 but continually denied because of  his political views.

Charles has 8 codefendants. Two has died in prison, four has been released from prison onto parole..... Chuck's sister Debbie Sims Africa is one of the four codefendants released onto parole.

Since coming home from prison, Debbie is thriving. Our community of support has supported Debbie to excel and we are committed to do the same for Chuck so that he can excel as well. 

http://chng.it/Yprs8pXBBp


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Move 9 member Delbert Orr Africa freed after 42 years in prison

Ed Pilkington - January 18, 2020


One of the great open wounds of the 1970s black liberation struggle came closer to being healed on Saturday with the release of Delbert Orr Africa, a member of the Move 9 group who has been imprisoned for 42 years for a crime he says he did not commit.

Del Africa walked free from Pennsylvania's state correctional institution, Dallas, on Saturday morning after a long struggle to convince parole authorities to release him. He is the eighth of the nine Move members – five men and four women – to be released or to have died while in prison.

Only one of the nine, Chuck Africa, remains behind bars.

The nine were arrested and sentenced to 30 years to life following a dramatic police siege of their communal home in Philadelphia which culminated with a shootout on 8 August 1978. In the maelstrom a police officer, James Ramp, was killed with a single bullet. Move has always denied that any of its members were responsible....

Brad Thomson, a member of Del Africa's legal team, said the decision to release him on parole "affirms what the movement to free the Move 9 has been arguing for decades: that their continued incarceration is unjust".

Thomson added: "With the release of Delbert, that leaves Charles 'Chuck' Africa as the last member of the Move 9 to still be in prison. Chuck went before the parole board last month and we are optimistic that he will be released in the very near future."

The Guardian told the story of Del Africa and his fellow Move 9 member Janine Phillips Africa in a series of articles on black radicals who have been incarcerated for decades as a result of their activities in the 1960s, 70s and 80s.

Move was formed in Philadelphia as a group of black radicals committed not only to the liberation from racial oppression, in tune with the Black Panther party of the time, but also to environmentalist and back-to-nature ideals. They lived, as they still do today, as a family, taking "Africa" as their shared last name.

Over two years, from prison, Del Africa related his story to the Guardian in emails and a three-hour interview. He recounted how he became engaged in the black struggle when a girlfriend introduced him to the Black Panther Party in Chicago in the late 1960s.

Later, he moved to Philadelphia and drifted into Move. He was inside the Move house in Powelton Village in the summer of 1978 when it came under police siege.

The city, under a notoriously brutal mayor, Frank Rizzo, wanted to evict the group on the grounds that they were a nuisance and an affront to public decency.

When the shootout broke out, police went in with guns and water cannon. Del Africa provided one of the astonishing images of the black liberation struggle when he emerged from the house with his arms outstretched, as if on the cross, while a police officer jabbed a rifle in his neck.

Video footage shows two officers throwing him to the ground and kicking him on the head, which bounces between them like a ball.

Africa described the event: "A cop hit me with his helmet.. Smashed my eye. Another cop swung his shotgun and broke my jaw.. I went down, and after that I don't remember anything till I came to and a dude was dragging me by my hair and cops started kicking me in the head."

For six years of his incarceration, Delbert Africa was put in an infamous solitary confinement wing known by prisoners as the "dungeon"... His isolation was imposed because he refused to have his dreadlocks cut – part of the Move philosophy.

He recalled in Guardian interviews how he survived in solitary confinement by developing a black history quiz with other prisoners, which they would play by tapping out messages. Other prisoners joined the game, which asked questions like: when was the Brown v Board of Education ruling in the US supreme court? What year was the Black Panther party founded? Who was Dred Scott? For what is John Brown remembered?

In 1985, when Del Africa had been in prison for almost seven years, tragedy struck again. He learned that Philadelphia police had conducted a second siege on the Move communal home, which was now located in Osage Avenue..

On this occasion, the police dropped an incendiary bomb from a helicopter. The bomb ignited a fire that spread through the overwhelmingly African American neighborhood.

City leaders allowed the fire to rage. Sixty-one houses were razed and 11 people in the Move house were killed, including five children. One of the survivors, Ramona Africa, was badly burned. She was duly put on trial and sentenced to seven years in prison..

One of the children who died was Delisha, Del Africa's 13-year-old daughter.. He told the Guardian how he responded to the news that she had been killed in an inferno: "I just cried. I wanted to strike out.. I wanted to wreak as much havoc as I could until they put me down. That anger, it brought such a feeling of helplessness. Like, dang! What to do now? Dark times."

With the 35th anniversary of the bombing approaching in May, Del Africa is free.. At the end of the Guardian's interview with him, he described how he had managed to endure four decades behind bars.

"I keep staying on the move. Stagnation is the worst thing. I'm on the move, and I hope you are too," he said.

"We've suffered the worst that this system can throw at us – decades of imprisonment, loss of loved ones. So we know we are strong. For all of that, we are still here and I look on that with pride."


Questions and comments may be sent to info@freedomarchives.org




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On Abortion: From Facebook


Best explanation I've heard so far....., Copied from a friend who copied from a friend who copied..........., "Last night, I was in a debate about these new abortion laws being passed in red states. My son stepped in with this comment which was a show stopper. One of the best explanations I have read:, , 'Reasonable people can disagree about when a zygote becomes a "human life" - that's a philosophical question.. However, regardless of whether or not one believes a fetus is ethically equivalent to an adult, it doesn't obligate a mother to sacrifice her body autonomy for another, innocent or not..., , Body autonomy is a critical component of the right to privacy protected by the Constitution, as decided in Griswold v. Connecticut (1965), McFall v.. Shimp (1978), and of course Roe v. Wade (1973).. Consider a scenario where you are a perfect bone marrow match for a child with severe aplastic anemia; no other person on earth is a close enough match to save the child's life, and the child will certainly die without a bone marrow transplant from you. If you decided that you did not want to donate your marrow to save the child, for whatever reason, the state cannot demand the use of any part of your body for something to which you do not consent... It doesn't matter if the procedure required to complete the donation is trivial, or if the rationale for refusing is flimsy and arbitrary, or if the procedure is the only hope the child has to survive, or if the child is a genius or a saint or anything else - the decision to donate must be voluntary to be constitutional... This right is even extended to a person's body after they die; if they did not voluntarily commit to donate their organs while alive, their organs cannot be harvested after death, regardless of how useless those organs are to the deceased or how many lives they would save..., , That's the law.., , Use of a woman's uterus to save a life is no different from use of her bone marrow to save a life - it must be offered voluntarily........ By all means, profess your belief that providing one's uterus to save the child is morally just, and refusing is morally wrong...... That is a defensible philosophical position, regardless of who agrees and who disagrees.... But legally, it must be the woman's choice to carry out the pregnancy.., , She may choose to carry the baby to term... She may choose not to. Either decision could be made for all the right reasons, all the wrong reasons, or anything in between... But it must be her choice, and protecting the right of body autonomy means the law is on her side.. Supporting that precedent is what being pro-choice means...", , Feel free to copy/paste and re-post., y

Sent from my iPhone


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Celebrating the release of Janet and Janine Africa

Take action now to support Jalil A.... Muntaqim's release





Jalil A.... Muntaqim was a member of the Black Panther Party and has been a political prisoner for 48 years since he was arrested at the age of 19 in 1971. He has been denied parole 11 times since he was first eligible in 2002, and is now scheduled for his 12th parole hearing. Additionally, Jalil has filed to have his sentence commuted to time served by New York Governor Andrew Cuomo. Visit Jalil's support page, check out his writing and poetry, and Join Critical Resistance in supporting a vibrant intergenerational movement of freedom fighters in demanding his release.


48 years is enough. Write, email, call, and tweet at Governor Cuomo in support of Jalil's commutation and sign this petition demanding his release.


http://freedomarchives.org/Support.Jalil/Campaign.html

Write:

The Honorable Andrew M. Cuomo

Governor of the State of New York

Executive Chamber State Capital Building

Albany, New York 12224


Michelle Alexander – Author, The New Jim Crow; Ed Asner - Actor and Activist; Charles Barron - New York Assemblyman, 60th District; Inez Barron - Counci member, 42nd District, New York City Council; Rosa Clemente - Scholar Activist and 2008 Green Party Vice-Presidential candidate; Patrisse Cullors – Co-Founder Black Lives Matter, Author, Activist; Elena Cohen - President, National Lawyers Guild; "Davey D" Cook - KPFA Hard Knock Radio; Angela Davis - Professor Emerita, University of California, Santa Cruz; Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz - Native American historian, writer and feminist; Mike Farrell - Actor and activist; Danny Glover – Actor and activist; Linda Gordon - New York University; Marc Lamont Hill - Temple University; Jamal Joseph - Columbia University; Robin D.G. Kelley - University of California, Los Angeles; Tom Morello - Rage Against the Machine; Imani Perry - Princeton University; Barbara Ransby - University of Illinois, Chicago; Boots Riley - Musician, Filmmaker; Walter Riley - Civil rights attorney; Dylan Rodriguez - University of California, Riverside, President American Studies Association; Maggie Siff, Actor; Heather Ann Thompson - University of Michigan; Cornel West - Harvard University; Institutional affiliations listed for identification purposes only.


Call: 1-518-474-8390


Email Gov..... Cuomo with this form


Tweet at @NYGovCuomo

Any advocacy or communications to Gov. Cuomo must refer to Jalil as:

ANTHONY JALIL BOTTOM, 77A4283,

Sullivan Correctional Facility,

P.O. Box 116,

Fallsburg, New York 12733-0116




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Funds for Kevin Cooper

https://www.gofundme.....com/funds-for-kevin-cooper?member=1994108


For 34 years, an innocent man has been on death row in California.. 


Kevin Cooper was wrongfully convicted of the brutal 1983 murders of the Ryen family and houseguest. The case has a long history of police and prosecutorial misconduct, evidence tampering, and numerous constitutional violations including many incidences of the prosecution withholding evidence of innocence from the defense. You can learn more here ... 


In December 2018 Gov. Brown ordered  limited DNA testing and in February 2019, Gov.... Newsom ordered additional DNA testing. Meanwhile, Kevin remains on Death Row at San Quentin Prison.. 


The funds raised will be used to help Kevin purchase art supplies for his paintings ........ Additionally, being in prison is expensive, and this money would help Kevin pay for stamps, paper, toiletries, supplementary food, and/or phone calls...


Please help ease the daily struggle of an innocent man on death row!






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Don't extradite Assange!

To the government of the UK

Julian Assange, through Wikileaks, has done the world a great service in documenting American war crimes, its spying on allies and other dirty secrets of the world's most powerful regimes, organisations and corporations. This has not endeared him to the American deep state.... Both Obama, Clinton and Trump have declared that arresting Julian Assange should be a priority.. We have recently received confirmation [1] that he has been charged in secret so as to have him extradited to the USA as soon as he can be arrested. 

Assange's persecution, the persecution of a publisher for publishing information [2] that was truthful and clearly in the interest of the public - and which has been republished in major newspapers around the world - is a danger to freedom of the press everywhere, especially as the USA is asserting a right to arrest and try a non-American who neither is nor was then on American soil. The sentence is already clear: if not the death penalty then life in a supermax prison and ill treatment like Chelsea Manning... The very extradition of Julian Assange to the United States would at the same time mean the final death of freedom of the press in the West.... 

The courageous nation of Ecuador has offered Assange political asylum within its London embassy for several years until now. However, under pressure by the USA, the new government has made it clear that they want to drive Assange out of the embassy and into the arms of the waiting police as soon as possible... They have already curtailed his internet and his visitors and turned the heating off, leaving him freezing in a desolate state for the past few months and leading to the rapid decline of his health, breaching UK obligations under the European Convention of Human Rights. Therefore, our demand both to the government of Ecuador and the government of the UK is: don't extradite Assange to the US! Guarantee his human rights, make his stay at the embassy as bearable as possible and enable him to leave the embassy towards a secure country as soon as there are guarantees not to arrest and extradite him.. Furthermore, we, as EU voters, encourage European nations to take proactive steps to protect a journalist in danger.. The world is still watching.

[1] https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/16/us/politics/julian-assange-indictment-wikileaks....html

[2] https://theintercept.com/2018/11/16/as-the-obama-doj-concluded-prosecution-of-julian-assange-for-publishing-documents-poses-grave-threats-to-press-freedom/

https://internal.diem25...org/en/petitions/1


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Words of Wisdom



Louis Robinson Jr., 77

Recording secretary for Local 1714 of the United Auto Workers from 1999 to 2018, with the minutes from a meeting of his union's retirees' chapter.


"One mistake the international unions in the United States made was when Ronald Reagan fired the air traffic controllers. When he did that, the unions could have brought this country to a standstill...... All they had to do was shut down the truck drivers for a month, because then people would not have been able to get the goods they needed. So that was one of the mistakes they made. They didn't come together as organized labor and say: "No.... We aren't going for this..... Shut the country down." That's what made them weak. They let Reagan get away with what he did. A little while after that, I read an article that said labor is losing its clout, and I noticed over the years that it did. It happened.. It doesn't feel good..."


[On the occasion of the shut-down of the Lordstown, Ohio GM plant March 6, 2019..]

https://www....nytimes.com/interactive/2019/05/01/magazine/lordstown-general-motors-plant..html


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Get Malik Out of Ad-Seg




Keith "Malik" Washington is an incarcerated activist who has spoken out on conditions of confinement in Texas prison and beyond:  from issues of toxic water and extreme heat, to physical and sexual abuse of imprisoned people, to religious discrimination and more...  Malik has also been a tireless leader in the movement to #EndPrisonSlavery which gained visibility during nationwide prison strikes in 2016 and 2018..  View his work at comrademalik.com or write him at:


Keith H. Washington
TDC# 1487958
McConnell Unit
3001 S........ Emily Drive
Beeville, TX 78102

Friends, it's time to get Malik out of solitary confinement.


Malik has experienced intense, targeted harassment ever since he dared to start speaking against brutal conditions faced by incarcerated people in Texas and nationwide--but over the past few months, prison officials have stepped up their retaliation even more.


In Administrative Segregation (solitary confinement) at McConnell Unit, Malik has experienced frequent humiliating strip searches, medical neglect, mail tampering and censorship, confinement 23 hours a day to a cell that often reached 100+ degrees in the summer, and other daily abuses too numerous to name..  It could not be more clear that they are trying to make an example of him because he is a committed freedom fighter.  So we have to step up.



Who to contact:

TDCJ Executive Director Bryan Collier

Phone: (936)295-6371


Senior Warden Philip Sinfuentes (McConnell Unit)

Phone: (361) 362-2300

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MAJOR TILLERY FILES NEW LEGAL PETITION

SEX FOR LIES AND MANUFACTURED TESTIMONY



April 25, 2018-- The arrest of two young men in Starbucks for the crime of "sitting while black," and the four years prison sentence to rapper Meek Mill for a minor parole violation are racist outrages in Philadelphia, PA that made national news in the past weeks. Yesterday Meek Mills was released on bail after a high profile defense campaign and a Pa Supreme Court decision citing evidence his conviction was based solely on a cop's false testimony...

These events underscore the racism, frame-up, corruption and brutality at the core of the criminal injustice system. Pennsylvania "lifer" Major Tillery's fight for freedom puts a spotlight on the conviction of innocent men with no evidence except the lying testimony of jailhouse snitches who have been coerced and given favors by cops and prosecutors.....


Sex for Lies and Manufactured Testimony

For thirty-five years Major Tillery has fought against his 1983 arrest, then conviction and sentence of life imprisonment without parole for an unsolved 1976 pool hall murder and assault...... Major Tillery's defense has always been his innocence.... The police and prosecution knew Tillery did not commit these crimes.. Jailhouse informant Emanuel Claitt gave lying testimony that Tillery was one of the shooters..


In May and June 2016, Emanuel Claitt gave sworn statements that his testimony was a total lie, and that the homicide cops and the prosecutors told him what to say and coached him before trial. Not only was he coerced to lie that Major Tillery was a shooter, but to lie and claim there were no plea deals made in exchange for his testimony. He provided the information about the specific homicide detectives and prosecutors involved in manufacturing his testimony and details about being allowed "sex for lies".. In August 2016, Claitt reaffirmed his sworn statements in a videotape, posted on YouTube and on JusticeforMajorTillery...org.


Major Tillery has Fought his Conviction and Advocated for Other Prisoners for over 30 Years


Major Tillery Needs Your Help:



HOW YOU CAN HELP

    Financial Support—Tillery's investigation is ongoing..... He badly needs funds to fight for his freedom...

    Go to JPay...com;

    code: Major Tillery AM9786 PADOC


    Tell Philadelphia District Attorney Larry Krasner:

    The Conviction Review Unit should investigate Major Tillery's case. He is innocent.. The only evidence at trial was from lying jail house informants who now admit it was false.

    Call: 215-686-8000 or


    Write to:

    Security Processing Center

    Major Tillery AM 9786

    268 Bricker Road

    Bellefonte, PA 16823

    For More Information, Go To: JusticeForMajorTillery.org

    Call/Write:

    Kamilah Iddeen (717) 379-9009, Kamilah29@yahoo.com

    Rachel Wolkenstein (917) 689-4009, RachelWolkenstein@gmail..com





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    Articles:



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    1) John Carlos Responds to the New Olympics Ban on Political Protest

    by Dave Zirin

    The 1968 Olympian points out the hypocrisy of new rules against any political demonstrations on the field or medal stand. 

    John Carlos, right, and Tommie Smith, center, raise gloved fists in protest at the 1968 Summer Olympics.. (AP Photo)


    Olympic athletes competing in Tokyo have been put on notice.. They are there to be seen and not heard. A new list of restrictions against political speech or gestures was released on Thursday by the International Olympic Committee (IOC). The move is as arrogant as it is censorious.. Any athlete who may have planned to take a knee like Colin Kaepernick, or raise their fist like John Carlos or Tommie Smith in 1968, will have to think again. Make a gesture of solidarity with your oppressed brethren in your home country as 2016 Olympian Feyisa Lilesa did and you could find yourself ostracized.

    The actual punishments for political speech are opaque but threatening, the IOC saying that such will be determined on a "case by case basis." In the official statement, Olympic organizers write:

    "The unique nature of the Olympic Games enables athletes from all over the world to come together in peace and harmony. We believe that the example we set by competing with the world's best while living in harmony in the Olympic Village is a uniquely positive message to send to an increasingly divided world. This is why it is important, on both a personal and a global level, that we keep the venues, the Olympic Village and the podium neutral and free from any form of political, religious or ethnic demonstrations."

    There is something particularly ironic about the fact that the US Olympic and Paralympic Committee (USOPC) just admitted John Carlos and Tommie Smith into its Hall of Fame last November, 51 years after they raised their fists on the medal stand in 1968. The ceremony was meant to be a celebration of reconciliation and a tacit acknowledgment by the USOPC that it was wrong to ostracize the two runners. This new ruling sends a hell of a message that the "Olympic movement" wants to absorb the protest into the past and criminalize it for the present and future.

    I spoke to John Carlos on the phone and, as one might expect, he was livid. Here's what he told me:


    "This is nonsense. They're way out of line with this. They're trying to take people's rights away and it's ridiculous. They are saying that they don't want politics at the Olympics but this is a political move.. The silencing of people is political. We all love the Olympics but I'm not sacrificing my humanity to win a medal. Every time they go to different nation for a different Olympics, are you going to tell me that the choice of the country isn't politically motivated? I ain't buying that. The athlete should be able to make a statement on that medal stand. They are not disrespecting a flag. They are using their time to do what they think is right. They are trying to save lives. No one has the right to take away what's inside you or silence what you want to say." 


    I asked Carlos how he squares being inducted into the USOPC Hall of Fame and then given this anti-political crackdown. He said:


    "It shows that if you stand with it, you'll be accepted in time.. But people have to have the courage to step up. I've done mine.. I've been stepping up and living by the truth of that gesture for 51 years. It's time for that next generation to step up and show their moral character…If you think all is fine, and you go to the Olympic Games with your mouth zipped, you'll find you'll regret it."

     

    The brazen contradiction is of course that the Olympics are already political from top to bottom. They are political in the host country, where the head of state makes the argument that the Olympics will benefit the country economically. Government leaders also inevitably argue for national unity in support of the games, no matter how much debt is accrued, how much militarization is demanded, and how many people are displaced. The games are are political for the sponsors who use the Olympics to hawk their products, in a process one could call "sin washing." Sponsors like McDonald's—which pushes the utter opposite of an Olympic diet—sell their wares and benefit from the warm glow emitted by the Olympics. The games are political for the environment, which suffers a gigantic global footprint during the course of the Games. And in this era of political athletes, there is of course something political about an edict that aims to shut them down.

    I reached out to Jules Boykoff, author of four books on the Olympics, including the forthcoming NOlympians: Inside the Fight Against Capitalist Mega-Sports in Los Angeles, Tokyo, and Beyond. He said:

    "The IOC's edict, as laundered through its Athletes Commission, brims with hypocrisy. Athlete activism emerges from overlapping systems of injustice. To deny athletes the right to express their thoughts and feelings on the political injustices that wrack the world today reeks of authoritarianism, which is political in itself. This policy is a slap in the face to the exciting zeitgeist of smart, savvy athletes who are not willing to check their brains in at the Olympic door."

    One thing is certain. As long as athletes are willing to confront their fear and risk punishment to speak their truth, this issue is going nowhere.


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    2) War Has Ripple Effects

    i am a military widow. I know what the true cost of conflict is..

    By Karie Fugett, January 17, 2020

    https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/17/opinion/war-has-ripple-effects.html?action=click&module=Opinion&pgtype=Homepage


    Illustration by Nicholas Konrad; photographs by Karie Fugett


    DRAIN, Ore. — The first thing I saw when I walked into the viewing room was my husband's nose.. The familiar curve of it extended above the sides of the coffin his mother and I had chosen only days before.

    My legs went limp, and I fell to the ground. Justin, a wounded Marine and friend of my husband, knelt and wrapped his arms around me as I cried.

    "I'm sorry," he said. "I'm so sorry."

    Hours later, in exchange for my husband, he handed me an American flag folded like origami into a perfect triangle.

    I buried Cpl. Jimmy Cleveland Kinsey II on April 26, 2010, when I was 24 years old. His body rests in Summerdale, Ala., only minutes from the town where we met when we were 13 and 14 years old.


    War has ripple effects, and my life has been irrevocably changed because of our continuing conflicts in the Middle East.

    Cleve had been wounded in Ramadi, Iraq, nearly four years earlier on April 1, 2006, nine days before the three-month mark of our marriage. At first, he survived. He had been driving a Humvee when it was hit by a roadside bomb. His door was blown clean off, the massive vehicle thrown onto its side. His leg was shattered...

    He was flown to the States immediately. I drove through the night from Camp Lejeune, N.C., to Bethesda Naval Hospital in Maryland to be with him.

    I'd never seen Cleve so frail. His leg was being held together with what looked like plastic wrap and his body was covered in tubes and wires. He reached his arms toward me. "There she is," he said, and we kissed.

    That week, a doctor called me a "caregiver" for the first time. This word would become my identity.

    The doctors at Bethesda Naval Hospital did the best they could to salvage his leg. After a year and a half of countless surgeries, a bone infection set in. His lower left leg had to be amputated. He was devastated.


    Cleve was in so much pain. He described his pain as always being there, something he wasn't sure would ever go away. Pain became a part of who he was.

    "I can't keep living like this," he told me once as he held the nub of his left leg.

    To help him, doctors prescribed opioids. It didn't take long for Cleve to become addicted to them.

    I first noticed something was wrong when he would fall asleep sitting up while smoking a cigarette, the ashes growing so long they'd ash themselves. Once, he fell asleep with his face down in a bowl of Cheerios.

    In 2008, he overdosed for the first time. I woke up to grunting noises. When I turned the light on, I found him in bed next to me, suffocating on his own vomit. His skin was purple and his eyes were rolled into the back of his head..

    I called 911 and performed C.P.R. Cleve survived again. Three weeks later, I miscarried. I have always wondered whether I lost the baby because of the stress I experienced from the overdose.

    Doctors at the military hospitals where Cleve was treated weren't equipped to treat his addiction. The term "opioid crisis" hadn't been coined yet.

    After Cleve's first overdose, the doctors had few options available. They could either take his pain medications away entirely, which would mean torturing him with pain, or they could switch up the kind of opioid he was taking. They chose the latter.


    On April 20, 2010, my husband died in Houston of an accidental overdose at an inpatient facility, Project Victory, where he was receiving treatment for PTSD. (Project Victory has since closed its doors.)

    I know the impact of war firsthand. War left me a widow. Just as the pain had become a part of my husband, grief has become a part of me. In this, I am not alone. Since we first went to war in Afghanistan in 2001, 7,013 service members have been killed and 53,088 have been wounded in conflicts in the Middle East and Afghanistan.

    The cost of war is every citizen's burden to carry, not just the burden of those willing to fight.. If you choose to support a war, be prepared to support those who are most affected by it. War has effects that extend beyond the casualties.

    Widows will be left to take care of their children alone. Children will be left without parents. Caregivers will be forced to put their lives on hold, as I did, to tend to the wounds of their spouses. Parents will bury their children. Veterans will be left with brain injuries, trauma and amputations — or, like my husband, with an opioid addiction.

    My husband was more than just a Marine. He was a big brother, a son and a loyal friend. In high school, just before he joined the Marines, he was a football player. His favorite subject was history and he wanted more than anything to be a crop duster pilot — to swoop and dive through the Alabama skies he grew up under.

    In Alabama, he grew up poor and with very few options available. The Marine Corps offered him free health care, decent pay, housing and a free education. Serving during wartime was worth it to him if it meant a chance to make something of himself.

    At 19 years old, Cleve signed his life away, even if he didn't know it at the time.

    The morning after the funeral, I cried alone in my bed wearing one of my husband's favorite shirts, a green one that said "Jesus Loves This Guy" and had two thumbs pointing up at my face. My whole life was ahead of me but I wasn't sure how I could bear living it after losing the man I loved.


    This April, it will have been 10 years since Cleve died. I keep a box of his belongings — uniforms, pictures, medals — in a spare room in the house I am rebuilding by hand with the insurance money I received after his death.

    When I notice the box collecting dust, I open it again and touch the things that were once so dear to him. This is my way of remembering him, of remembering the kids we once were: so young and in love and unaware that one day we would sacrifice everything.


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    3) The Injustice of This Moment Is Not an 'Aberration'

    From mass incarceration to mass deportation, our nation remains in deep denial.

    By Michelle Alexander, January 17, 2020

    https://www..nytimes.com/2020/01/17/opinion/sunday/michelle-alexander-new-jim-crow.html?action=click&module=Opinion&pgtype=Homepage


    A group of migrants walking along the Mexican side of the border in June.Credit...Ilana Panich-Linsman for The New York Times


    Ten years have passed since my book, "The New Jim Crow," was published. I wrote it to challenge our nation to reckon with the recurring cycles of racial reform, retrenchment and rebirth of caste-like systems that have defined our racial history since slavery. It has been an astonishing decade.. Everything and nothing has changed.

    When I was researching and writing the book, Barack Obama had not yet been elected president of the United States. I was in disbelief that our country would actually elect a black man to be the leader of the so-called free world. As the election approached, I felt an odd sense of hope and dread. I hoped against all reason that we would actually do it. But I also knew that, if we did, there would be a price to pay.

    Everything I knew through experience and study told me that we as a nation did not fully understand the nature of the moment we were in. We had recently birthed another caste system — a system of mass incarceration — that locked millions of poor people and people of color in literal and virtual cages...

    Our nation's prison and jail population had quintupled in 30 years, leaving us with the highest incarceration rate in the world. A third of black men had felony records — due in large part to a racially biased, brutal drug war — and were relegated to a permanent second-class status. Tens of millions of people in the United States had been stripped of basic civil and human rights, including the right to vote, the right to serve on juries and the right to be free of legal discrimination in employment, housing, education and basic public benefits.


    Nevertheless, our nation remained in deep denial that a new caste system even existed, and most of us — even those who cared deeply about racial justice — did not seem to understand that powerful racial dynamics and political forces were at play that made much of our racial progress illusory. We had not faced our racial history and could not tell the truth about our racial present, yet growing numbers of Americans wanted to elect a black president and leap into a "colorblind" future.


    I was right to worry about the aftermath of Obama's election.. After he was inaugurated, our nation was awash in "post-racialism." Black History Month events revolved around "how far we've come.." Many in the black community and beyond felt that, if Obama could win the presidency, anything was possible. Few people wanted to hear the message I felt desperate to convey: Despite appearances, our nation remains trapped in a cycle of racial reform, backlash and re-formation of systems of racial and social control..

    Things have changed since then. Donald Trump is president of the United States. For many, this feels like whiplash. After eight years of Barack Obama — a man who embraced the rhetoric (though not the politics) of the civil rights movement — we now have a president who embraces the rhetoric and the politics of white nationalism. This is a president who openly stokes racial animosity and even racial violence, who praises dictators (and likely aspires to be one), who behaves like a petulant toddler on Twitter, and who has a passionate, devoted following of millions of people who proudly say they want to "make America great again" by taking us back to a time that we've left behind.


    We are now living in an era not of post-racialism but of unabashed racialism, a time when many white Americans feel free to speak openly of their nostalgia for an age when their cultural, political and economic dominance could be taken for granted — no apologies required. Racial bigotry, fearmongering and scapegoating are no longer subterranean in our political discourse; the dog whistles have been replaced by bullhorns.. White nationalist movements are operating openly online and in many of our communities; they're celebrating mass killings and recruiting thousands into their ranks.


    White nationalism has been emboldened by our president, who routinely unleashes hostile tirades against black and brown people — calling Mexican migrants criminals, "rapists" and "bad people," referring to developing African nations as "shithole countries" and smearing a district of the majority-black city of Baltimore as a "disgusting, rat and rodent infested mess." Millions of Americans are cheering, or at least tolerating, these racial hostilities.

    Contrary to what many people would have us believe, what our nation is experiencing is not an "aberration." The politics of "Trumpism" and "fake news" are not new; they are as old as the nation itself. The very same playbook has been used over and over in this country by those who seek to preserve racial hierarchy, or to exploit racial resentments and anxieties for political gain, each time with similar results.

    Back in the 1980s and '90s, Democratic and Republican politicians leaned heavily on the racial stereotypes of "crack heads," "crack babies," "superpredators" and "welfare queens" to mobilize public support for the War on Drugs, a get-tough movement and a prison-building boom — a political strategy that was traceable in large part to the desire to appeal to poor and working-class white voters who had defected from the Democratic Party in the wake of the civil rights movement..

    Today, the rhetoric has changed, but the game remains the same. Public enemy No. 1 in the 2016 election was a brown-skinned immigrant, an "illegal," a "terrorist" or an influx of people who want to take your job or rape your daughter. As Trump put it: "When Mexico sends its people, they're not sending their best. … They're sending people that have lots of problems, and they're bringing those problems. … They're bringing drugs.. They're bringing crime. They're rapists."


    He promised to solve this imaginary crisis through mass deportation and building a wall between the United States and Mexico. He also insisted that his political opponent, Hillary Clinton, wanted "millions of illegal immigrants to come in and take everybody's jobs." And he blamed domestic terroristic attacks in New Jersey and New York on "our extremely open immigration system," which, he argued, allows Muslim terrorists into our country.


    The fact that Trump's claims were demonstrably false did not impede his rise, just as facts were largely irrelevant at the outset of the War on Drugs. It didn't matter back then that studies consistently found that whites were equally likely, if not morelikely, than people of color to use and sell illegal drugs. Black people were still labeled the enemy. Nor did it matter, when the drug war was taking off, that nearly all of the sensationalized claims that crack cocaine was some kind of "demon drug," drastically more harmful than powder cocaine, were false or misleading. Black people charged with possession of crack in inner cities were still punished far more harshly than white people in possession of powder cocaine in the suburbs. And it didn't matter that African-Americans weren't actually taking white people's jobs or college educations in significant numbers through affirmative action programs.

    Getting tough on "them" — the racially defined "others" who could easily be used as scapegoats and cast as the enemy — was all that mattered. Facts were treated as largely irrelevant then. As they are now.

    Fortunately, a growing number of scholars and activists have begun to connect the dots between mass incarceration and mass deportation in our nation's history and current politics. The historian Kelly Lytle Hernández, in her essay "Amnesty or Abolition: Felons, Illegals, and the Case for a New Abolition Movement," chronicles how these systems have emerged as interlocking forms of social control that relegate "aliens" and "felons" to a racialized caste of outsiders. In recent decades, the system of mass incarceration has stripped away from millions of U.S. citizens basic civil and human rights until their status mirrors (or dips below) that of noncitizen immigrants within the United States. This development has coincided with the criminalization of immigration in the United States, resulting in a new class of "illegal immigrants" and "aliens" who are viewed and treated like "felons" or "criminals.." Immigration violations that were once treated as minor civil infractions are now crimes. And minor legal infractions, ranging from shoplifting to marijuana possession to traffic violations, now routinely prompt one of the nation's most devastating sanctions — deportation.

    The story of how our "nation of immigrants" came to deport and incarcerate so many for so little, Hernández explains, is a story of race and unfreedom reaching back to the era of emancipation. If we fail to understand the historical relationship between these systems, especially the racial politics that enabled them, we will be unable to build a truly united front that will prevent the continual re-formation of systems of racial and social control.

    In my experience, those who argue that the systems of mass incarceration and mass deportation simply reflect sincere (but misguided) efforts to address the real harms caused by crime, or the real challenges created by surges in immigration, tend to underestimate the corrupting influence of white supremacy whenever black and brown people are perceived to be the problem. "Between me and the other world, there is ever an unasked question," W.E.B. Du Bois famously said back in 1897: "How does it feel to be a problem?" White people are generally allowed to have problems, and they've historically been granted the power to define and respond to them. But people of color — in this "land of the free" forged through slavery and genocide — are regularly viewed and treated as the problem.


    This distinction has made all the difference. Once human beings are defined as the problem in the public consciousness, their elimination through deportation, incarceration or even genocide becomes nearly inevitable.


    White nationalism, at its core, reflects a belief that our nation's problems would be solved if only people of color could somehow be gotten rid of, or at least better controlled. In short, mass incarceration and mass deportation have less to do with crime and immigration than the ways we've chosen to respond to those issues when black and brown people are framed as the problem.

    As Khalil Gibran Muhammad points out in "The Condemnation of Blackness," throughout our nation's history, when crime and immigration have been perceived as white, our nation's response has been radically different from when those phenomena have been defined as black or brown. The systems of mass incarceration and mass deportation may seem entirely unrelated at first glance, but they are both deeply rooted in our racial history, and they both have expanded in part because of the enormous profits to be made in controlling, exploiting and eliminating vulnerable human beings..

    It is tempting to imagine that electing a Democratic president or more Democratic politicians will fix the crises in our justice systems and our democracy. To be clear, removing Trump from office is necessary and urgent; but simply electing more Democrats to office is no guarantee that our nation will break its habit of birthing enormous systems of racial and social control. Indeed, one of the lessons of recent decades is these systems can grow and thrive even when our elected leaders claim to be progressive and espouse the rhetoric of equality, inclusion and civil rights.

    President Bill Clinton, who publicly aligned himself with the black community and black leaders, escalated a racially discriminatory drug war in part to avoid being cast by conservatives as "soft on crime.." Similarly, President Obama publicly preached values of inclusion and compassion toward immigrants, yet he escalated the mass detention and deportation of noncitizens.

    Obama claimed that his administration was focused on deporting: "Felons, not families. Criminals, not children. Gang members, not a mom who's working hard to provide for her kids." However, reports by The New York Times and the Marshall Project revealed that, despite Obama's rhetoric, a clear majority of immigrants detained and deported during his administration had no criminal records, except minor infractions, including traffic violations, and posed no threat.

    Equally important is the reality that "felons" have families. And "criminals" are often children or teenagers. The notion that, if you've ever committed a crime, you're permanently disposable is the very idea that has rationalized mass incarceration in the United States.


    None of this is to minimize the real progress that has occurred on many issues of race and criminal justice during the past decade. Today, there is bipartisan support for some prison downsizing, and hundreds of millions of philanthropic dollars have begun to flow toward criminal justice reform. A vibrant movement led by formerly incarcerated and convicted people is on the rise — a movement that has challenged or repealed disenfranchisement laws in several states, mobilized support of sentencing reform and successfully organized to "ban the box" on employment applications that discriminate against those with criminal records by asking the dreaded question: "Have you ever been convicted of a felony?"

    Activism challenging police violence has swept the nation — inspired by the courageous uprisings in Ferguson, Mo., the viral videos of police killings of unarmed black people, and #BlackLivesMatter. Promising movements for restorative and transformative justice have taken hold in numerous cities. Campaigns against cash bail have gained steam. Marijuana legalization has sped across the nation, with more than 25 stateshaving partly or fully decriminalized cannabis since 2012.

    And "The New Jim Crow," which some predicted would never get an audience, wound up spending nearly 250 weeks on the New York Times best-seller list and has been used widely by faith groups, activists, educators and people directly affected by mass incarceration inside and outside prisons. Over the past 10 years, I've received thousands of letters — and tens of thousands of emails — from people in all walks of life who have written to share how the book changed their lives or how they have used it to support consciousness-raising or activism in countless ways..

    Everything has changed. And yet nothing has.


    The politics of white supremacy, which defined our original constitution, have continued unabated — repeatedly and predictably engendering new systems of racial and social control. Just a few decades ago, politicians vowed to build more prison walls. Today, they promise border walls.

    The political strategy of divide, demonize and conquer has worked for centuries in the United States — since the days of slavery — to keep poor and working people angry at (and fearful of) one another rather than uniting to challenge unjust political and economic systems. At times, the tactics of white supremacy have led to open warfare. Other times, the divisions and conflicts are less visible, lurking beneath the surface.

    The stakes now are as high as they've ever been. Nearly everyone seems aware that our democracy is in crisis, yet few seem prepared to reckon with the reality that removing Trump from office will not rid our nation of the social and political dynamics that made his election possible. No issue has proved more vexing to this nation than the issue of race, and yet no question is more pressing than how to overcome the politics of white supremacy — a form of politics that not only led to an actual civil war but that threatens our ability ever to create a truly fair, just and inclusive democracy.


    We find ourselves in this dangerous place not because something radically different has occurred in our nation's politics, but because so much has remained the same.

    The inconvenient truth is that racial progress in this country is always more complex and frequently more illusory than it appears at first glance.. The past 10 years has been a case in point. Our nation has swung sharply from what Marc Mauer memorably termed "a race to incarcerate" — propelled by bipartisan wars on "drugs" and "crime" — to a bipartisan commitment to criminal justice reform, particularly in the area of drug policy. And yet, it must be acknowledged that much of the progress occurred not because of newfound concern for people of color who have been the primary targets of the drug war, but because drug addiction, due to the opioid crisis, became perceived as a white problem, and wealthy white investors became interested in profiting from the emerging legal cannabis industry.

    Some of the reversals in political opinion have been striking. For example, John Boehner, a former Republican speaker of the House of Representatives, stated in 2011 that he was "unalterably opposed to decriminalizing marijuana," but by the spring of 2018 he had joined the board of a cannabis company.

    Growing sympathy for illegal drug users among whites and conservatives, and concern regarding the expense of mass imprisonment, helped to make possible a bipartisan consensus in support of the Trump administration's First Step Act — leading to the early release of more than 3,000 people from federal prisons for drug offenses. This development, which benefits people of color subject to harsh and biased drug sentencing laws, is difficult to characterize as major progress toward ending mass incarceration, given that Trump continued to unleash racially hostile tirades against communities of color and his administration vowed to reinstate the federal death penalty. He also rescinded a number of significant reforms adopted by Obama and expanded the use of private prisons.


    Obama also has a complicated legacy with respect to criminal justice reform. Obama was the first sitting president to visit a federal correctional facility, the first to oversee a drop in the federal prison population in more than 30 years, and he granted clemency to nearly 2,000 people behind bars — the highest total for any president since Harry Truman. His administration enacted significant policy changes, including legislation reducingsentencing disparities involving crack and powder cocaine, a phasing out of federal contracts with private prisons, and limitations on the transfer of military equipment to local police departments.

    And yet it sometimes appeared that Obama was reluctant to acknowledge the depth and breadth of the structural changes required to address police violence and the prevailing systems of racial and social control.


    For example, when black Harvard professor Henry Louis Gates Jr. was arrested in his own home for no reason, Obama responded to the national furor and media frenzy by inviting Gates and the arresting officer to a "beer summit" at the White House to work things out over drinks and peanuts, as though racial profiling is little more than an interpersonal dispute that can be resolved through friendly dialogue.

    Most troubling, the modest criminal justice reforms that were achieved during the Obama administration coincided with the expansion of the system of mass deportation. Although the administration agreed to phase out federal contracts for private prisons, it made enormous investments in private detention centers for immigrants, including the granting of a $1 billion contract to Corrections Corporation of America, the nation's largest prison company, to build a detention facility for women and children asylum seekers from Central America.

    Immigrant detention centers were exempted from the phaseout plan for private prisons, which meant that only about a quarter of the population held in private facilities in the United States was affected by the plan. The caging of immigrants for profit was allowed to continue without restraint.


    The reality is that, during both the Obama and Clinton years, highly racialized and punitive systems thrived under liberal presidents who were given the benefit of the doubt by those who might otherwise have been critics. Obama and Clinton's public displays of affection for communities of color, the egalitarian values they preached and their liberal or progressive stances on other issues helped to shield these vast systems of control from close scrutiny.

    Many of us saw these presidents as "good people" with our best interests at heart, doing what they could to navigate a political environment in which only limited justice is possible. All of these factors played a role, but one was key: These systems grew with relatively little political resistance because people of all colors were willing to tolerate the disposal of millions of individuals once they had been labeled criminals in the media and political discourse.. This painful reality suggests that ending our nation's habit of creating enormous systems of racial and social control requires us to expand our sphere of moral concern so widely that none of us, not even those branded criminals, can be viewed or treated as disposable.

    If there is any silver lining to be found in the election of Donald Trump to the presidency, it is that millions of people have been inspired to demonstrate solidarity on a large scale across the lines of gender, race, religion and class in defense of those who have been demonized and targeted for elimination. Trump's blatant racial demagogy has awakened many from their "colorblind" slumber and spurred collective action to oppose the Muslim ban and the border wall, and to create sanctuaries for immigrants in their places of worship and local communities.


    Many who are engaged in this work are also deeply involved in, or supportive of, movements to end police violence and mass incarceration. Growing numbers of people are beginning to see how the politics of white supremacy have resurfaced again and again, leading to the creation and maintenance of new systems of racial and social control. A politics of deep solidarity is beginning to emerge — the only form of politics that holds any hope for our collective liberation.

    The centuries-long struggle to birth a truly inclusive, egalitarian democracy — a nation in which every voice and every life truly matters — did not begin with us, and it will not end with us. The struggle is as old as the nation itself and the birth process has been painful, to say the least. My greatest hope and prayer is that we will serve as faithful midwives in our lifetimes and do what we can to make America, finally, what it must become.

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    4)  W.H.O. Warns That Pipeline for New Antibiotics Is Running Dry

    In two new reports, the global health agency says only government intervention can fix the broken market for new antimicrobial drugs.

    By Andrew Jacobs, January 17, 2020

    https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/17/health/antibiotics-resistance-new-drugs.html


    A pharmacy manager counts antibiotic pills to fill a prescription.Credit...Joe Raedle/Getty Images


    With the pipeline for new antibiotics slowing to a trickle and bankruptcies driving pharmaceutical companies from the field, the World Health Organization on Friday issued a fresh warning about the global threat of drug resistant infections..

    Some 700,000 people die each year because medicines that once cured their conditions are no long effective. Yet the vast majority of the 60 new antimicrobial products in development worldwide are variations on existing therapies, and only a handful target the most dangerous drug-resistant infections, the agency said in a report.

    "We urgently need research and development," said Sarah Paulin, technical officer of Antimicrobial Resistance and Innovation at the W.H.O. and an author of two reports on the subject issued Friday. "We still have a window of opportunity but we need to ensure there is investment now so we don't run out of options for future generations."

    Without government intervention, the United Nations estimatesthat resistant infections could kill 10 million people annually by 2050 and prompt an economic slowdown to rival the global financial crisis of 2008.


    In the two reports — one that analyzed products being tested on patients and another that looked at therapies in the early stages of development — the W.H.O. cited the grim economic realities that have been shutting down investment in the field by major pharmaceutical companies and strangling the few remaining small companies that have come to dominate development of antimicrobial therapies.

    Unlike drugs that treat chronic conditions and are taken for years, antibiotics save lives, but are taken for just a week or two, diminishing their profitability for drugmakers.

    The sense of crisis has mounted in recent months as a number of American drug companies with promising new products have gone belly up. Among them are Melinta Therapeutics, which declared bankruptcy three weeks ago after failing to turn a profit on the four antibiotics it has on the market. Two other antibiotic start-ups, Achaogen and Aradigm, also went out of business last year.

    Drug company executives, public health experts and advocates for patients — groups often at odds with one another — have been united in urging Washington to enact new policies and programs that would help shore up the finances of ailing antibiotic companies and lure pharmaceutical giants back to the field.

    "Without such incentives, I'm worried these innovative companies developing new medicines will struggle to obtain the resources they need to fully develop them and bring these breakthroughs to patients," said Greg Frank, director of Working to Fight AMR, an advocacy group funded by the pharmaceutical industry.


    The outlook isn't entirely grim. In its report on potential innovative therapies, the W.H.O. identified 252 agents in development that target 12 pathogens the health agency has declared grave threats to humanity. They include multidrug-resistant E. coli, salmonellaand the bacteria that cause gonorrhea.

    Nearly 80 percent of these products are being developed by drug companies, the vast majority of them in Europe and North America, and they include a number of novel therapies like phages and antimicrobial peptides that offer the possibility of treating infections without a reliance on traditional antibiotics.

    "It is very encouraging to see a wide variety of new innovative approaches in the preclinical pipeline," the study said. "Nonetheless, many scientific challenges are yet to be overcome."

    The report on drugs in the later stages of development was less sanguine. Only eight new antibiotics have been approved since 2017, it said, and most are derivatives of existing drugs. The majority of them do not treat pathogens on the W.H.O.'s list of urgent threats..

    Of the 50 new antibiotics being tested in clinical trials, only two are active against the most worrisome class of bugs, called gram negative bacteria, that can prove deadly for newborns, cancer patients and those undergoing elective procedures like hip and knee replacements.

    It can take ten years and cost more than $2 billion to develop a new antibiotic and bring it to market, and much of that expense is for the failures along the way. Congress has been considering a billthat would shore up the market for antibiotics but it has yet to advance, despite bipartisan support.

    In the meantime, many experts worry that the few remaining start-ups in the field may not survive.

    "We can't have more companies going bankrupt," said Dr. Helen Boucher, an infectious disease specialist at Tufts Medical Center and a member of the Presidential Advisory Council on Combating Antibiotic-Resistant Bacteria. "If the pipeline remains this anemic, that's going to have real implications for our patients."


     

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    5) Rural Montana Had Already Lost Too Many Native Women. Then Selena Disappeared.

    By Jack Healy, Photos By Cristina Baussan,

    January 20, 2020

    https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/20/us/selena-not-afraid-missing-montana.html?action=click&module=Top%20Stories&pgtype=Homepage


    Ross Lebner, a member of Western Montana Search Dogs, heading out to search for Selena Not Afraid near the Fly Creek rest stop, where the teenager was last seen.



    BIG HORN COUNTY, Mont. — Jackie Big Hair slept in her car again, waking every few hours to fire up the engine and gaze at the frozen highway rest stop where her 16-year-old daughter had been reported missing. 

    "I just have to be here," Ms. Big Hair, 50, said, watching semis lumber across the plains. "I don't know where else to go."

    This was her vigil now, along with searches in Billings about 30 miles away, three weeks after her youngest child, Selena Not Afraid, was reported missing from a barren stretch of Interstate 90 in a southern Montana county where 65 percent of the population is Native American. Law enforcement officials said a van carrying Selena home the day after a New Year's party in Billings had pulled into the rest stop after breaking down, and then reportedly started up again and driven away without her. Nobody had heard from her since.


    A national outcry over the killings and disappearances of Indigenous women has reached a boiling point here in Big Horn County, a rural stretch of rolling mountains and ranch lands that contains the Crow and Northern Cheyenne reservations and has the highest rate of missing and murdered Native Americans in Montana, and among the highest nationwide.


    Local activists had an incomplete count of 27 Native women who had gone missing in recent memory in Big Horn County alone. Now, there are 28. The difference here and in many parts of the West is that for decades the disappearance of mothers and children, cousins and friends almost invariably played out in utter obscurity, with modest law enforcement investigations that almost invariably languished unsolved.

    Activists and researchers say the crisis burned unheeded for generations until a few years ago, when families' stories of how their loved ones were sex trafficked, murdered with impunity or dismissed as chronic runaways gained traction through grass-roots organizing and social media, forcing politicians and law enforcement to take notice.

    Last year, 5,590 Indigenous women were reported missing to the F.B.I.'s National Crime Information Center, but advocates say the staggeringly high rates of violence suffered by Indigenous people is still not fully reflected in official accounting. Some of the victims are misclassified as Asian or Hispanic, or are overlooked if they live in urban areas instead of reservations, or their cases are lost in a jurisdictional maze over which state, federal or tribal law enforcement agency bears responsibility for investigating.

    Law enforcement officials said these can be extremely difficult cases to investigate, sometimes ranging over vast expanses of territory, but that they are committed to solving them. The families say the problem is more a matter of will and resources than of difficulty.


    "Native women have been dehumanized from the very beginning," said Desi Rodriguez-Lonebear, a demographer who grew up in Big Horn County and is on the board of the Sovereign Bodies Institute, which has created its own database of cases. "The law has failed us time and time again. We're tired of it. We're tired of our people dying, of our kids going to jail."

    Now, families like Selena's are taking an urgent public stand to pressure politicians and law enforcement to provide more aggressive responses to these cases. They are raising alarms through social media and even bracing themselves against Montana blizzards to keep their loved ones from being forgotten. They are organizing candlelit vigils, rallying at courthouses and sheriff's offices and marching for days along prairie highwaysreservation roads and to the steps of state capitols.


    "We're here demanding it," Selena's aunt Cheryl Horn said one afternoon, warming her hands with a bowl of chili as volunteers returned from another fruitless search of the nearby hills. "We're not being quiet. We're not leaving."

    In recent months, a flurry of federal and state agencies across the country and here in Montana have raced to respond with task forces and law-enforcement resources, including a new Justice Department effort to coordinate federal and local responses to disappearances and murders in Indian Country.

    Law-enforcement authorities say that Selena, a member of the Crow tribe, went missing at about 2 p.m. on New Year's Day. A New Year's Eve party in Billings had spilled over into the following afternoon, and she was riding back toward her home in Hardin, about 50 miles east.

    According to local and federal law-enforcement alerts, the van broke down and pulled over at the rest stop, where Selena was last seen walking into a field. Her family believes she was taken, possibly by a passing car.


    When her relatives heard the news, they began pouring into the rest stop, circling their cars and campers and horse trailers into a makeshift windbreak and transforming a frozen spit of asphalt and concrete into a scene of prayer and protest.


    They lit a campfire, searched through ranchers' fields and garlanded the fences and sign poles with red ribbons and posters of Selena. They saturated social media with calls for help. "Internet warriors," one of Selena's aunts called the response.

    At 16, Selena already knew the toll of violence too well.

    She had buried three siblings — a brother who had been fatally shot by Billings police officers; a sister who was struck and killed by a car; and her twin sister, who died by suicide when she was just 11 years old.

    "I've always felt like there's a bad presence against us," Selena's older brother, R.J., said. "I've expected the worst.."

    After Selena was reported missing, police officers from South Dakota and Wyoming joined Big Horn County sheriff's deputies, Bureau of Indian Affairs officers and volunteers to search the nearby hills. Federal and local law-enforcement officers set up a command center in the basement of the county courthouse. Thermal drones and helicopters buzzed overhead.


    The F.B.I. issued an alert for Selena and sent in a search team, but agents and sheriff's investigators have said little more about her disappearance, or whether they are investigating the older acquaintances who had been riding in the van with her. ..

    The swift response has surprised some activists. "Nothing moves that fast," said BethYana Pease, a Crow community organizer.

    Families and activists say they have been sounding these alarms for years. They say the crisis flows from generations of discriminatory government policies and racism in reservation border towns like Hardin that devalue Native women's lives and deaths.

    Jay Harris, the county prosecutor, who is a member of the Crow tribe, said the proliferation of meth use and a scarcity of federal law enforcement had exacerbated the problem. Last November, the Crow chairman declared a state of emergency over what he called ineffective investigations and unanswered police calls on the 2.3 million-acre reservation, and said the tribe would move to form its own police force.

    Some victims' families wondered why the deaths and disappearances of their own mothers, sisters and nieces had not sparked a similar outcry. Ms. Pease ticked off names she said had never received justice: 14-year-old Henny Scott, who was found dead two weeks after she went missing in December 2018. Bonnie Three Irons, a mother of six, whose body was found in the mountains in April 2017.


    A memorial for Kaysera Stops Pretty Places at the spot where she was found dead in August.


    Or 18-year-old Kaysera Stops Pretty Places. It was late August when Kaysera went out with friends in her hometown, Hardin, the county seat. Four days later, a jogger found her body in a suburban backyard next to the house where she had been that evening, just steps away from a busy road..


    "Where the hell were these big shots when my granddaughter was missing?" asked Carmelia Brown, a relative who said she loved Kaysera as a granddaughter.

    Kaysera's family believes she was murdered, but her cause of death has lingered undetermined for four months, her autopsy still unfinished. Her family says it has never been told a certain time of death.. The case is classified as "Suspicious" and still being investigated, said Mr. Harris, the county attorney.

    Kaysera's family members wondered how she could have lain in someone's lawn for days without being seen. They were troubled that her body had been shuttled back and forth between the funeral home and state crime lab before being cremated by the county coroner, who is also the funeral director. They were disturbed that one of the lead investigators into Kaysera's death had also been involved in an incident in which her younger brother was beaten and forcibly restrained.

    "Why does nobody care about this?" asked Grace Bulltail, one of Kaysera's aunts and an assistant professor of engineering at the University of Wisconsin-Madison.. "We're not being given any information."

    Family members were uncertain whether Kaysera and Selena knew each other, but their stories have become intertwined.. When Kaysera's family led marches to the county courthouse seeking answers into her death, Selena attended, her aunt Cheryl Horn said. She posted Facebook tributes to Big Horn County's missing and murdered Indigenous women.

    One morning at Selena's roadside vigil, as one of her great-aunts lit the day's fire, her overcoat swung open to show a red sweatshirt bearing Kaysera's face.

    "This is the justice that Kaysera didn't get," Ms. Horn, Selena's aunt, said.

    Selena's cousins gathered near a fire at the rest stop on the 10th night of her disappearance.

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    6) Architect of C.I.A. Interrogation Program Testifies at Guantánamo Bay

    Appearing for the first time at the military war court, James Mitchell was defiant, saying he was there for the benefit of the victims of the 9/11 attacks and their families.

    By Carol Rosenberg, January 21, 2020

    https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/21/us/politics/guantanamo-bay-interrogation.html?action=click&module=Latest&pgtype=Homepage


    James E. Mitchell helped develop what the government euphemistically called "enhanced interrogation techniques.."Credit...Angel Valentin for The New York Times


    GUANTÁNAMO BAY, Cuba — On the witness stand was James E. Mitchell, a psychologist and architect of the Bush-era interrogation program that had inflicted torture on prisoners held in secret C.I..A. prisons after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks. 

    Defiantly, he described how the program came about and why in his view it was necessary, growing emotional only when recounting how he came to the conclusion that it was his patriotic duty to personally implement the techniques he had devised.

    Sitting yards from him in the military courtroom built specifically for their death-penalty trial were the five men accused of helping plot the attacks. All of them had been subject to the methods developed by Dr. Mitchell. Their alleged leader, Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, was waterboarded 183 times in March 2003 by a team including Dr. Mitchell.. They sat impassively as he testified at a pretrial hearing in their case.

    It was an extraordinary moment in the slow-moving justice system set up to try foreign prisoners of the war on terror, with American lawyers for defendants who were tortured more than a decade and a half ago flipping the script to question an interrogator from the so-called black sites.


    Dr. Mitchell, a former contract psychologist for the C.I..A., expressed no regrets or contrition, tearfully saying he did it for the American people at a time when President George W. Bush's administration feared a follow-on attack by airplane or nuclear bomb to the Sept. 11 hijackings that killed 2,976 people. 

    "I'd get up today and do it again," he said.

    "I thought my moral duty," he said, choking up, "to protect American lives outweighed the feelings of discomfort of terrorists who voluntarily took up arms against us. To me it just seemed like it would be dereliction of my moral responsibilities."

    He was talking about the first man he waterboarded, a Palestinian known as Abu Zubaydah. In 2002, Mr. Zubaydah was the first known C.I.A. prisoner subjected to the full range of interrogation techniques, which also included sleep deprivation and being crammed inside a coffin-size box and slammed into a wall. He has never been charged with a crime and has never been to the war court but is held at Guantánamo as an indefinite detainee.

    But the five men charged as conspirators in the Sept. 11 attacks were present. It was the first time they had seen Dr. Mitchell since their transfer to Guantánamo from the black sites in 2007. Lawyers for Mr. Mohammed and another defendant, Walid bin Attash, asked the judge to clear two thick binders of materials off the witness stand that had obstructed their view of him. 

    None of the defendants expressed any visible emotion, although defense lawyers had a psychologist and a psychiatrist with experience treating torture survivors in court to sit with two of them.


    Lawyers for Mr. Mohammed's nephew, Ammar al-Baluchi, called Dr. Mitchell to testify in a long-running defense effort to show the interrogation program was a Bush administration-wide effort and persuade the judge to exclude subsequent F..B.I. interrogations of the defendants at Guantánamo in 2007 from their trial. It is scheduled to get underway next January.

    By law, prosecutors cannot use what the men told Dr. Mitchell and other interrogators in the C.I.A. prison as evidence in the death-penalty trial. Prosecutors consider the F.B.I. interrogations to be crucial case evidence.

    Dr. Mitchell described the decision to use waterboarding and other "coercive physical pressure" as born of a climate that feared Al Qaeda was plotting a nuclear attack on the United States, or plotting to crash another plane somewhere, "and the gloves were off." Until that point, C.I.A. and F.B.I. agents were taking turns interrogating Mr. Zubaydah, who had stopped cooperating, in a secret prison that has since been revealed to have been in Thailand. 

    "C.I.A.. was never interested in prosecutions," Dr. Mitchell said. "The C.I.A. was not going to let them set off another catastrophic attack in the United States. They were going to go right up to the line of what was legal, put their toes on it and lean forward."

    Dr. Mitchell opened what is expected to be two weeks of testimony by telling defense lawyers that the only reason he had come to Guantánamo was to testify in person in front of families of the Sept. 11 victims. 

    "You folks have been saying untrue and malicious things about me and Dr. Jessen for years," Dr. Mitchell said, referring to John Bruce Jessen, another psychologist who worked with him to devise the interrogation system. They went on to set up a business that provided guards and interrogators to work at the secret overseas prisons set up after the 2001 attacks and the subsequent invasion of Afghanistan. They received $81 million for the contract.

    Had Dr. Mitchell refused to come, the Air Force colonel presiding in the case could have ordered him to testify by video teleconference from Washington.


    "I actually did it for the victims and families. Not you," Dr. Mitchell said under questioning by James G. Connell III, a lawyer for Mr. al-Baluchi. About 12 relatives of victims and their companions were observing the hearing, one wearing a necktie with the Statue of Liberty on it.

    They were sequestered behind a blue curtain in the spectator's gallery of the court, hidden from the troops, journalists, legal observers and court staff also watching what is expected to be the most dramatic testimony so far since arraignment of the five menin the case in May 2012.

    Dr. Mitchell, with a full snow-white beard and thinning white hair, wore a charcoal suit to court with a crisp white button-down shirt and a red tie. Mr. Mohammed was in his typical court attire: a green camouflage hunting jacket atop white flowing clothes, a black and silver scarf fashioned into a turban and black orthopedic shoes.

    Dr. Mitchell adopted an aggressive approach as a witness. After a prosecutor provided him with a top secret guide to the codes the United States government had assigned to interrogators whose names cannot be used in court, he declared the list flawed. He said it gave a "false and misleading impression that these men were interrogated during their entire time in custody. And they were not."

    He said some of the code-named people identified as interrogators were actually "debriefers, targeters and analysts."

    Drs. Mitchell and Jessen were called to testify by lawyers for Mr. al-Baluchi. But all five defense teams are expected to question them about what went on in the clandestine overseas prisons, including one in Thailand that for a time was run by Gina Haspel, now the C.I.A. director.

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    7) More Slayings at Parchman as Mississippi Confronts Prison Crisis

    Several inmates have been killed in Mississippi prisons in the past month, a crisis that underscores the dangers of a system the state's new governor has called a "catastrophe."

    By Rick Rojas, January 21, 2020

    https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/21/us/parchman-mississippi-prison-deaths.html?action=click&module=Latest&pgtype=Homepage


    Two more inmates were killed this week at the state penitentiary in Parchman, Miss., shortly after a burst of violence across the state that left five inmates dead.Credit.....Andrea Morales for The New York Times


    ATLANTA — Prison officials in Mississippi said on Tuesday that two inmates were beaten to death at the state penitentiary in Parchman, coming after a burst of violence across the state that left five inmates dead and underscored the troubles facing a correctional system the new governor has called a "catastrophe."

    Parchman, a maximum-security prison notorious for its harsh conditions, has been on lockdown since a gang-fueled spate of violence and disorder several weeks ago. Critics have urged federal officials to investigate conditions they have condemned as unconstitutional and inhumane, and 29 inmates filed a lawsuit last week against state officials, casting the recent killings as the "culmination of years of severe understaffing and neglect."

    In a statement, prison officials disclosed few details about the circumstances surrounding the most recent killings. Heather Burton, the coroner for Sunflower County, Miss., said both inmates had been killed by blunt force trauma and were pronounced dead on Tuesday morning..

    "It appears to be an isolated incident — not a continuation of the recent retaliatory killings," the Department of Corrections said in the statement, referring to the previous violence that officials have attributed to warring gangs. "We are investigating further now."


    Separately, an inmate was found dead in his cell on Saturday night, officials said, in an apparent suicide. The inmate was being held in Unit 29, a section that officials have been trying to clear because it has fallen into disrepair.

    The turmoil at Parchman — and in other state prisons across Mississippi — has become one of the most pressing issues confronting Gov. Tate Reeves, who took office last week. On Tuesday, he wrote on Twitter that there was "much more to be done here."

    Mr. Reeves has formed a search committee to find a new commissioner for the Department of Corrections, an agency gripped by crisis over the deteriorating state of its facilities and its struggle to hire corrections officers who are willing to work in dangerous environments for low pay.

    All the prisons across Mississippi were locked down after the explosion of gang violence, but Parchman is the only facility still under those restrictions. While gangs have driven the unrest, activists and inmates have said that a severely underfunded and understaffed prison system has been a contributing factor.

    In a letter calling for a federal investigation, a collection of civil rights groups and elected officials detailed a long record of violence, escapes, uprisings and inadequate health care, as well as "extreme" staff vacancies that have allowed the facilities to become a breeding ground for chaos.


    Inmates using illegal cellphones have also illuminated the conditions inside by sending out photographs and videos showing wounds possibly caused by rubber bullets, meals without any protein, dead rodents and walls darkened by mold.

    "These inhumane conditions are unconstitutional," a group of inmates declared in a federal lawsuit filed last week. The legal effort is being backed by the rappers Jay-Z and Yo Gotti.

    "Plaintiffs' lives are in peril," the lawsuit said, adding that inmates have died as a "direct result of Mississippi's utter disregard for the people it has incarcerated and their constitutional rights."

    The prison system has been among the most urgent matters facing the governor and lawmakers as they start a new legislative session. Mr. Reeves has asked a group of prosecutors and law enforcement officials, led by Mayor George Flaggs Jr. of Vicksburg, to find a replacement for Pelicia E. Hall, the former prison commissioner who announced her resignation in late December and stepped down last week to take a private sector job.

    The agency is being led in the interim by Thomas Taylor, a former state lawmaker and mayor of Boyle, a town of roughly 600 people in the Mississippi Delta. Mr. Reeves said in a statement that he had also asked the Mississippi Bureau of Investigation to assign an officer to Parchman to conduct an investigation and "bring order and root out the underlying issues."

    "Can we do more to provide for peace? I believe we can," Mr.. Reeves said. "To do so, we must get to the heart of the problem. And it starts with bringing order to Parchman."

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    8) Childhood Obesity Is a Major Problem. Research Isn't Helping.

    Something is missing with many study methods.

    By Aaron E. Carroll, January 20, 2020

    https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/20/upshot/childhood-obesity-research.html?algo=identity&fellback=false&imp_id=52703952&imp_id=637441863&action=click&module=Science%20%20Technology&pgtype=Homepage


    Tony Cenicola/The New York Times


    Childhood obesity is a major public health problem, and has been for some time. Almost 20 percent of American children are affected by obesity, as well as about 40 percent of adults. Over all, this coststhe United States around $150 billion in health care spending each year.

    Pediatricians like me, and many other health professionals, know it's a problem, and yet we've been relatively unsuccessful in tackling it. About six years ago, some reports seemed to show that rates had stabilized in children and even decreased in those ages 2 to 5. Later studies showed this trend to be an illusion. If anything, things have gotten worse.

    Efforts to help can backfire. People on diets often gain weight. Although individual studies have pointed to potential interventions and solutions, these have not yet translated into actual improvements. Part of the problem may be flawed research.

    recent paper in Pediatric Obesity provided a guide on how to do better. Its suggestions fall into five general themes.


    1) When things look better, it's critical to ask "compared to what?"In short, you need a control group. Over time, changes in behaviors or measurements often follow a pattern known as regression toward the meanOutliers (in this case those who are more overweight) tend to move toward the average. Thus, interventions might look as if they're working when they're not. Control groups — participants who don't receive the intervention — can help ensure that we're seeing real effectiveness.

    Even then, things can get tricky. In a randomized controlled trial, it's important to keep the comparisons directly between the intervention and control groups. A common mistake is comparing each group after the intervention with the same group before the intervention. In other words, people could compare a dieting group to itself, before and after, and compare the control group to itself, before and after, to see if the dieting group achieved a significant decrease.

    This is known as a "differences in nominal significance" error. Doing this can make an intervention look as if it achieved a significant change against a baseline measurement when it probably did not against the control group.

    Creating and studying large obesity interventions is hard and expensive. It's only natural that researchers want them to work. But if your well-designed study doesn't result in significant improvements in an intervention group over a control group, you can't then fall back on claims that those who received the intervention still lost weight. Control groups are there for a reason. You can't dismiss them after the fact.

    2) Don't change the analysis plan. Before a study begins, its expected primary outcome should be clearly defined. For most obesity studies, that's going to be a decrease in body mass index. You can't later add in other outcomes that might show results even if the main outcome does not.


    Sometimes, to get statistically significant results, researchers will adjust analyses in ways that achieve them. This is called p-hacking. Changing outcomes can result in different numbers of patients "qualifying" through inclusion and exclusion criteria in such a way as to change the actual groups being studied.

    3) Be careful when designing studies and picking outcomes. Too often, when trying to prove that subjects changed their diet or exercise habits, we simply ask them if they did. This risks getting results influenced by self-report bias. If a study's focus is an educational intervention that tells students they should walk more and watch less TV, we shouldn't be surprised that they say they did, even when there's no change in body fat percentage.

    Because interventions tend to be delivered in groups (randomly assigning by classes or schools), it's important that we analyze results only by groups. There are only as many "participants" as there are groups. Too often, researchers conduct statistics on the individuals, and when they see improvements, it's because of the differences between groups, not the interventions.

    4) Not significant is not significant. Negative results — those that do not back up the hypothesis of the researcher — should not be spun as positive. Researchers are often tempted to argue that these results are clinically significant, or that they have "promise."

    Sometimes, researchers want to test one intervention against an already proven one. If they find that there's no difference, they conclude that the two are equally effective. This can be a mistake.

    5) Don't assume that an intervention is better than nothing. Most studies conduct a two-sided analysis. This means they look at whether an intervention is better or worse, then consider the results significant if the p-value is less than 0.05. In some studies, though, researchers assume that interventions can only help people lose weight, not gain it. They therefore conduct a one-sided test, which effectively doubles the allowable p-value. Results that would not have been significant become so.


    Some of these rules are technical. Others involve not overreaching on the results. And some acknowledge that researchers are human beings who are predisposed to want to get positive results. These are certainly true with respect to obesity, but they're true for almost all health research.


    To be effective, interventions and policies need to be built upon solid data. There are no assurances that interventions can only do good. It's possible that interventions — almost all of which are done on a small scale — may not be the solution. Michelle Obama's "Let's Move" initiative — which was done on a large scale — was often credited in helping to slow or reverse childhood obesity, but there's no evidence that's true.

    Processed food, and the advertising and marketing of it, is one driver of the problem. So is a lack of effort and resources put toward maintaining a healthy lifestyle. (If there are no sidewalks, you may be unlikely to walk to the store or to school, for example.)

    Major problems like poverty can't be overcome with a couple of workshops in a school or a doctor's visit. Obesity is a major societal problem that probably requires a major societal response. We can't allow our desire to make things better lead us to accept lower-quality research that might convince us otherwise.


    Aaron E. Carroll is a professor of pediatrics at Indiana University School of Medicine and the Regenstrief Institute who blogs on health research and policy at The Incidental Economist and makes videos at Healthcare Triage. He is the author of "The Bad Food Bible: How and Why to Eat Sinfully." 


    My NYT Comment:


    "Finally someone acknowledges there are societal factors that are causing obesity. The big elephant in the room is the multi-gazillion dollar junk food and insurance industries, advertising incessantly, in every form of media, the joys of eating junk and the importance of insurance. Even the schools participate by feeding kids the same junk. Junk food is cheap-to-produce food that has lots of calories and very little nutrition—but it's cheap to buy, too. It's no accident that the insurance companies and food industry profit from not only the food, but the illness it brings to masses of people. Capitalism kills. It's time for a new, healthy way of life that protects people and our environment, i.e., a socialist society based upon safe and healthful production of human wants and needs and that of the planet, instead of personal profit for the tiny few and to hell with everyone and everything else." 

    —Bonnie Weinstein

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    9) Protesters Mass in Baghdad, Demanding U.S. Leave Iraq

    A national march against the presence of United States forces, organized by a populist Shiite cleric and armed groups with ties to Iran, drew a crowd estimated at 200,000 to 250,000.

    By Alissa J. Rubin and Faith Hassan, January 24, 2020

    https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/24/world/middleeast/protests-iraq-baghdad.html?action=click&module=Latest&pgtype=Homepage


    A huge crowd of Iraqis, waving national flags, took to the streets in Baghdad on Friday to demand the ouster of American troops.Credit...Ahmad Al-Rubaye/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images


    BAGHDAD — Throngs of Iraqis gathered on the streets of the capital, Baghdad, in the early hours of Friday to protest the United States military presence in the country at the behest of a leading populist cleric and of armed forces with ties to Iran.

    The demonstration comes three weeks after the United States launched a drone strike in capital that killed the Iranian commander Maj. Gen. Qassim Suleimani and a prominent member of the Iraqi government, Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, with close ties to the Popular Mobilization Forces, some of whom are close to Iran.

    Days later, at the urging of the Iraqi prime minister, the Parliament endorsed a measure demanding the expulsion of foreign forces from Iraq, which in the minds of most Iraqis meant American troops. The protest on Friday was the first designed specifically to denounce the American presence in Iraq since the parliamentary measure.

    Organizers had hoped for a larger turnout than anything in recent years, but estimates by the Iraqi Security forces as the march wound down suggested they might be disappointed.. Counts of aerial views of the marchers put the numbers at around 200,000 to 250,000.


    "Participating in this demonstration is like voting in a referendum on the decision of the Iraqi Parliament" to expel American forces, said Sheikh Satar al-Shimmari, from Diyala Province, who was organizing busloads of people to attend.

    Many marchers carried the same signs, most of them written in English and aimed at an American audience. One read: "To the families of American soldiers. Insist on the withdrawal of your sons from our country or prepare their coffins."

    Another read: "America, the Devil; You have no mercy."

    Others were simpler: "No America."

    Some people waved flags and a number who were followers of Moqtada al-Sadr, the populist and anti-American Shiite cleric, wore a large white scarf or cape to signal their willingness to die for their cause. The white cape is a nod to the white shroud in which all Muslims are buried.

    Wandering through the crowds was Ali Mohammed, 70, in long worn robes, selling small cups of traditional Arabic coffee poured from a battered brass beaker. Asked what he thought about the demonstration, he shook his head.

    "What benefit will Iraq get if the American troops leave?" he asked. "Look at my condition, at my age, I am still doing this, will it change if the Americans leave?"


    He shook his head. 

    The protest was concentrated in Baghdad, and people were brought in from other cities to participate rather than holding smaller simultaneous demonstrations across the country.

    Although the event was carefully organized and scripted by Moqtada al-Sadr, a populist anti-American Shiite cleric, and given heft by Iraqi armed groups close to Iran, it also reflected a genuine desire shared by Iraqis to have a government and economy that serves the Iraqi people and not outside interests, many participants said.

    Delivering on that may prove to be virtually impossible. But the United States' recent actions in Iraq drew the wrath of many and distaste even among some Iraqis who support the United States presence.

    It is particularly galling to many that the United States still has troops in Iraq and many people point out that while Iran also has influence, it does so without imposing its troops on the country. The armed groups that are part of the Popular Mobilization, even though they are backed by Iran, are not perceived in the same way.

    "We don't need any foreign troops to be in Iraq, we need Iraq for Iraqis," said Hoda Hashimi, an employee in the Ministry of Trade in Baghdad. "We don't want Americans to leave, we want the troops to leave — we want America to support our country but with contracts, not troops."

    This demonstration — unlike those in Tahrir Square in central Baghdad, which have gone on for months and involve a ragtag group of antigovernment protesters with homemade signs and a range of backgrounds — is heavily orchestrated rather than a spontaneous outpouring of feeling.

    Participants were recruited, transported by buses provided by the organizers and given signs, flags and sometimes food. The vast majority of the participants are Shiite Muslims, who are the main constituency of the cleric Mr. al-Sadr and the armed groups close to Iran.


    "The organizers of the demonstration in the southern city of Najaf called the Sadr followers, including me, and told us that there are buses and cars to transport the demonstrators from Najaf to Baghdad on Thursday at 1 p.m. and 9 p.m. and 11 p.m.," said Mohammed Ali, 33, a taxi driver.

    He said most of his colleagues had also agreed to participate, for many reasons, among them their admiration of Mr. al-Sadr and for personal interests and opportunities.

    The buses bringing participants to Baghdad, especially from the south, belong to organizations aligned with the political wings of armed groups close to Iran. Tourism companies headed by people with links either to Mr. al-Sadr or to the militias were also involved, according to several people who were coming from Basra, Najaf and Diyala provinces, among others.

    But not everyone, even those in the strongholds of Shiite faith and political power, felt comfortable participating.

    "I reject this kind of protest — it is an abuse of the American and foreign presence," said Mahdi al-Zubaydi of Dujail, a city north of Baghdad.

    "It sets a dangerous precedent that could allow Iran and its militias to control the wealth of Iraq and its people," he said.

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    10) Do Our Babies Need to Move More?

    A study that used activity trackers to monitor babies found associations between infants' movement and levels of fat.

    By Gretchen Reynolds, January 22, 2020

    https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/22/well/move/babies-infants-fat-weight-obesity-activity-trackers-exercise-movement.html?algo=identity&fellback=false&imp_id=247371698&imp_id=929706757&action=click&module=Science%20%20Technology&pgtype=Homepage


    iStock


    In a world that encourages inactivity, even our babies may be moving too little, according to an innovative new study of physical activity patterns during a child's first year of life. The study, which used tiny activity trackers to monitor babies' movements, found associations between infants' squirming, kicking, crawling or stillness and the levels of fat around their middles, raising provocative questions about just how early any links between inactivity and obesity might begin.

    We already have considerable evidence, of course, that children in the Western world tend to be sedentary. According to recent estimates, most school-age children in the United States sit for more than eight hours a day, while children as young as 2 or 3 years of age can be sedentary for 90 percent or more of their waking hours. These statistics are concerning, because other studies suggest that inactive children face much higher risks of becoming overweight or obese than children who move more often.

    But little has been known about how much — or little — tiny babies move and if there might be correlations between their activities and their rotundity, and if such correlations matter.


    So, for the new study, which was published this month in Obesity, a group of researchers from Johns Hopkins University and other institutions decided to fit baby-size trackers to infants' ankles and watch how they wiggled.


    They began by turning to new mothers already participating in a large, ongoing study of the health of mothers and newborns and asking if they could now track their babies' activities.. The researchers wound up recruiting 506 young boys and girls from various socioeconomic levels, more than half of them African-American.

    The researchers visited these infants in their homes when the babies were 3, 6, 9 and 12 months old, weighing and measuring the children, gently checking their body fat with calipers and fitting them with tiny accelerometers.

    The babies then wore these monitors for four days after each home visit, to provide a measure of how active they were.

    Such measurements of infantile activity are inherently "problematic," says Sara Benjamin-Neelon, an associate professor at Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and the new study's lead author. Accelerometers on infants "will pick up movements like kicking and rolling over," she says, which are made by the baby. But they also can capture and potentially misinterpret movements initiated by parents or caregivers, such as picking up the child or swinging him about, although the child is not then moving on her own.


    But even recognizing those obstacles, the researchers saw clear, consistent patterns in the babies' movements when they compared readouts month over month.

    "Activity increased" as the babies grew older, Dr. Benjamin-Neelon says, "which is what we would expect to see." In fact, the babies' daily physical activities grew by about 4 percent over the course of each three-month period, marking their normal progress toward starting to stand, crawl and sometimes toddle.

    But there were differences among the children, with some babies moving noticeably more each day than others, starting at the age of 3 months. And when the researchers compared those differences to the babies' adiposity then, they also found another clear pattern. Those babies who moved the least generally were also the babies with the most fat around their middles. (The researchers controlled for breastfeeding.)

    Babies are not meant to be svelte, of course. Beachball physiques are standard in this age group. But even so, the correlation between relative inactivity and greater adiposity in these babies was noteworthy and could be worrisome, Dr.. Benjamin-Neelon says.

    "Infants who are heavier and infants who gain weight too quickly in the first year of life tend to be heavier children later," she says.

    The accelerometers did not show what inactive babies were doing instead of wiggling, scooting or walking. But the researchers suspect that they were "spending a lot of time in restrictive devices," Dr. Benjamin-Neelon says, such as strollers, highchairs and car seats.

    Many also may have been staring at screens. Other data collected among the volunteer families (but not included in this study) indicates that about half of the 3-month-old infants and three-quarters of the 1-year-olds "engaged with screens," Dr. Benjamin-Neelon says, some for two hours or more each day.


    The upshot of these findings, limited and preliminary as they may be, would seem to be that parents and caregivers might want to monitor how much babies move and encourage them to move more, Dr. Benjamin-Neelon says.

    "Allow babies to spend supervised time each day moving freely on the floor," she says, "as long as the environment is safe." Even infants who are too young to crawl can benefit. "Tummy time allows infants to lift their heads and develop and strengthen upper-body muscles," she says. "This is anecdotal, but I have heard pediatricians say that many infants in their practice now are lacking upper-body strength."

    This study did not track babies after they turned 1, however, and so cannot tell us whether inactive infants face lingering risks of being sedentary or overweight later. The researchers are still working with these same children, some of whom will start kindergarten soon, and plan to report on their health and physical activities in future studies.


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    11) Native Solutions to Big Fires

    Cultural burning practices are working to reduce wildfires in northern Australia. Can they work in California, too?

    By Thomas Fuller, January 24, 2020

    https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/24/us/native-american-controlled-burns-california-wildfires.html


    Violet Lawson, a landowner near Cooinda, Northern Territory, Australia, burns an area of her land using dead palm fronds that she lights as she walks along the fires' edge..Credit...Matthew Abbott for The New York Times


    Bill Tripp learned to burn when he was 4 years old.

    In an Indian community along a bend in the Salmon River in the northwest corner of California, Mr. Tripp absorbed traditional burning techniques from his great-grandmother, who was born in the late 1800s and was a repository of knowledge on where and when to burn. He learned the difference between good fire and bad fire.

    "We've being doing it for millennia," Mr. Tripp said.

    In listening to Mr. Tripp, a member of the Karuk tribe, I was struck by the parallels with Aboriginal burning traditions in northern Australia, which I wrote about during a two-week trip covering the fires.

    Native burning techniques have come into the spotlight as many parts of the world grapple with how to reduce destructive, out-of-control wildfires.


    The experience in northern Australia has been critical. Researchers have used satellite data to calculate that an Aboriginal burning program started seven years ago has cut hot and destructive wildfires in half and reduced carbon emissions by more than 40 percent.

    Could something similar be done in California?

    Margo Robbins, a member of the Yurok, California's largest Indian tribe, traveled to Australia two years ago and saw many similarities with her own cultural burning practices.

    In 2014, Ms. Robbins helped organize a burn of seven acres on the Yurok reservation. A crew of 20 prison inmates brought by Cal Fire worked with the tribe to conduct the burn..

    "The No. 1 priority for our community was to bring fire back to the land," she said.


    The 2014 burn rekindled the tradition and has been repeated every year with help from the Nature Conservancy, a charity.


    "The land needs fire in order to be healthy," said Ms. Robbins, a basket weaver who relies on the long and pliable shoots that emerge from burned hazelnut bushes.

    Don Hankins, a fire expert at Cal State, Chico, estimates that, at most, a few thousand acres are burned in California every year using traditional cultural burning techniques. This is tiny compared with the Australian program, which covers close to 90 million acres, around the size of Montana.

    But Mr. Hankins and tribal fire experts say there seems to be an appetite in California to better understand and expand tribal burning practices. This week he gave a presentation on Indigenous practices to federal officials who visited Butte County to discuss the strategies on dealing with wildfires.

    "If we are going to make our landscapes resilient, and thus our communities resilient, we have to follow these practices that are tried and true," Mr. Hankins said. "There's definitely opportunity for it."

    Native American burning traditions are similar to Aboriginal ones in the way that they look to nature for signals on when to burn.

    Mr. Tripp says it is crucial not to interrupt natural reproductive cycles with fire — nesting birds, flowering plants — but to burn in ways that encourage growth of critical plants like hazelnut bushes and acorn-bearing oaks.

    As in Australia, fire was a crucial tool in managing the land before the arrival of Europeans.

    Mr. Hankins says researchers are realizing that some of California's most scenic vistas were shaped by fire — more than they previously appreciated. John Muir's celebrated paeans to the beauty of the Yosemite and Hetch Hetchy valleys ignored the Indigenous role in fires, Mr. Hankins said.


    "The landscape that he fell in love with was a product of that burning and he completely missed it," he said.

    Scholars have noted parallel experiences of Indigenous groups when they came into contact with European conquerors. Bans on burning came into force in both Australia and California after colonization, and natives were punished if they persisted in burning.

    This attitude toward fire was later manifested in public admonitions such as the Smokey Bear campaigns warning against setting wildfires.

    For more than a century, the policy of the United States has been to "eliminate every fire," said Leaf Hillman, a member of the Karuk tribe who is active in fire activities. "It's catching up with us now and we are paying the price for it."

    There is tension between Native groups in California and state and federal authorities who require that tribes obtain permits before burning, and sometimes ban the activities citing concerns over air quality, liability and fires spreading out of control. Indeed, fire specialists say some forests in California would need to be thinned out before they undergo cultural burning.

    As with other Native fire experts, Mr. Tripp, who is deputy director of the Karuk tribe's Natural Resources Department, says he is working with the National Forest Service, Cal Fire and the Bureau of Indian Affairs to obtain more sovereignty over fire.

    "It's starting to turn the corner," Mr. Tripp said. "We just want to take the handcuffs off."

    "We view this our right, a right that we never ceded."


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    12) London Police Amp Up Surveillance With Real-Time Facial Recognition

    The city, stepping into a debate over privacy, says it will use the technology "to tackle serious crime."

    "In Britain, an independent review last year found many problems with a police trial of facial recognition, including its accuracy. Of 42 identifications made by the system in one trial, only eight were correct."

    By Adam Satariano, January 24, 2020

    https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/24/business/london-police-facial-recognition.html


    A closed-circuit camera on Oxford Street in London.Credit...Tolga Akmen/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images


    LONDON — London's police department said on Friday that it would begin using facial recognition technology in the city to identify people off the street in real time with video cameras, adopting a level of surveillance that is rare outside of China.

    The decision is a major development in the use of a technology that has set off a worldwide debate about the balance between security and privacy. Police departments contend that the software gives them a technological edge to catch criminals that may otherwise avoid detection. Critics say the technology is an invasion of privacy and is being rolled out without adequate public discussion.

    Britain has been at the forefront of the debate. In a country where CCTV cameras line the streets, police surveillance has traditionally been more accepted than in other Western countries.

    The technology London plans to deploy goes beyond many of the facial recognition systems used elsewhere, which match a photo against a database to identify a person.. The new systems, created by the company NEC, attempt to identify people on a police watch list in real time with security cameras, giving officers a chance to stop them in the specific location.


    Under pressure to address rising crime, the Metropolitan Police said in a statement that the technology would help quickly identify and apprehend suspects and help "tackle serious crime, including serious violence, gun and knife crime, child sexual exploitation and help protect the vulnerable."

    "Every day, our police officers are briefed about suspects they should look out for," Nick Ephgrave, assistant commissioner of the police department, said in the statement. Live facial recognition, he said, "improves the effectiveness of this tact."

    "As a modern police force, I believe that we have a duty to use new technologies to keep people safe in London," he added.

    Already widespread in China, facial recognition is gaining traction in Western countries. An investigation by The New York Times this month found that more than 600 law enforcement agencies are using a facial recognition system by the company Clearview AI. According to researchers at Georgetown University, cities including New York, Chicago, Detroit and Washington have at least piloted the use of the real-time systems.

    Use of the facial recognition technology has generated a backlash. San Francisco, Oakland and Berkeley in California, along with Somerville and Brookline in Massachusetts, have banned its use.


    Privacy groups immediately criticized London's decision and vowed to take legal action to try to stop its deployment.

    "This decision represents an enormous expansion of the surveillance state and a serious threat to civil liberties in the U.K.," said Silkie Carlo, director of Big Brother Watch, a London-based group that has been fighting the use of facial recognition. "This is a breathtaking assault on our rights and we will challenge it."

    Last year, a British judge said that police departments could use the technology without violating privacy or human rights, a case that is under appeal. The government's top privacy regulator has raised concerns about the use of the technology, as did an independent report of a trial use by the Metropolitan Police.

    The Metropolitan Police said it would be transparent about deploying the technology. Officers will post signs and hand out leaflets when the cameras are in use.

    Researchers have found problems with many facial recognition systems, including trouble accurately identifying people who are not white men. Civil liberties groups point to flaws in the technology as a reason it should not be deployed, arguing it will lead to constant surveillance and hinder free movement..

    In Britain, an independent review last year found many problems with a police trial of facial recognition, including its accuracy. Of 42 identifications made by the system in one trial, only eight were correct.

    "It was incredibly inaccurate," said Daragh Murray, a senior lecturer at the University of Essex who conducted the report. "Most times they didn't actually find the people they were looking for. From just a technological perspective, you have to question the utility."


    Mr. Murray said that without clear laws about how the technology is used police departments everywhere have wide latitude to put the camera systems in place. Particularly concerning, he said, is the lack of transparency about how police decide when somebody is placed on a watch list.

    "Too much leeway is given to the police," Mr. Murray said. "What is needed is proper safeguards around its use."

    Britain's Information Commissioner's Office, the country's top privacy regulator, said it would monitor how the system is deployed. It said the police gave assurances that the department would take steps to reduce privacy and data-protection risks.

    "This is an important new technology with potentially significant privacy implications for U.K. citizens," the privacy regulator said in a statement.

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    13) You Are Now Remotely Controlled

    Surveillance capitalists control the science and the scientists, the secrets and the truth.

    "The first is the assertion that democracy threatens prosperity and innovation. Former Google chief executive Eric Schmidt explainedin 2011, 'we took the position of 'hands off the internet.' You know, leave us alone … The government can make regulatory mistakes that can slow this whole thing down, and we see that and we worry about it.' This propaganda is recycled from the Gilded Age barons, whom we now call 'robbers.' They insisted that there was no need for law when one had the 'law of survival of the fittest,' the 'laws of capital' and the 'law of supply and demand.'"

    By  Shoshana Zuboff, January 24, 2020

    https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/24/opinion/sunday/surveillance-capitalism.html?action=click&module=Opinion&pgtype=Homepage


    Photo Illustration by Frank Augugliaro/The New York Times; Photograph by Getty Images



    The debate on privacy and law at the Federal Trade CommissionClose Xwas unusually heated that day. Tech industry executives "argued that they were capable of regulating themselves and that government intervention would be costly and counterproductive." Civil libertarians warned that the companies' data capabilities posed "an unprecedented threat to individual freedom.." One observed, "We have to decide what human beings are in the electronic age. Are we just going to be chattel for commerce?" A commissioner asked, ''Where should we draw the line?" The year was 1997.

    The line was never drawn, and the executives got their way. Twenty-three years later the evidence is in. The fruit of that victory was a new economic logic that I call "surveillance capitalism." Its success depends upon one-way-mirror operations engineered for our ignorance and wrapped in a fog of misdirection, euphemism and mendacity. It rooted and flourished in the new spaces of the internet, once celebrated by surveillance capitalists as "the world's largest ungoverned space." But power fills a void, and those once wild spaces are no longer ungoverned. Instead, they are owned and operated by private surveillance capital and governed by its iron laws.

    The rise of surveillance capitalism over the last two decades went largely unchallenged. "Digital" was fast, we were told, and stragglers would be left behind. It's not surprising that so many of us rushed to follow the bustling White Rabbit down his tunnel into a promised digital Wonderland where, like Alice, we fell prey to delusion. In Wonderland, we celebrated the new digital services as free, but now we see that the surveillance capitalists behind those services regard us as the free commodity. We thought that we search Google, but now we understand that Google searches us. We assumed that we use social media to connect, but we learned that connection is how social media uses us. We barely questioned why our new TV or mattress had a privacy policyClose X, but we've begun to understand that "privacy" policies are actually surveillance policies.

    And like our forebears who named the automobile "horseless carriage" because they could not reckon with its true dimension, we regarded the internet platforms as "bulletin boards" where anyone could pin a note. Congress cemented this delusion in a statute, Section 230 of the 1996 Communications Decency Act, absolving those companies of the obligations that adhere to "publishers" or even to "speakers."


    Only repeated crises have taught us that these platforms are not bulletin boards but hyper-velocity global bloodstreams into which anyone may introduce a dangerous virus without a vaccine. This is how Facebook's chief executive, Mark Zuckerberg, could legally refuse to remove a faked video of Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi and later double down on this decision, announcing that political advertising would not be subject to fact-checking.

    All of these delusions rest on the most treacherous hallucination of them all: the belief that privacy is private. We have imagined that we can choose our degree of privacy with an individual calculation in which a bit of personal information is traded for valued services — a reasonable quid pro quo. For example, when Delta Air Lines piloted a biometric data system at the Atlanta airport, the company reported that of nearly 25,000 customers who traveled there each week, 98 percent opted into the process, noting that "the facial recognition option is saving an average of two seconds for each customer at boarding, or nine minutes when boarding a wide body aircraft."

    In fact the rapid development of facial recognition systems reveals the public consequences of this supposedly private choice. Surveillance capitalists have demanded the right to take our faces wherever they appear — on a city street or a Facebook page. The Financial Times reported that a Microsoft facial recognition training database of 10 million images plucked from the internet without anyone's knowledge and supposedly limited to academic research was employed by companies like IBM and state agencies that included the United States and Chinese military. Among these were two Chinese suppliers of equipment to officials in Xinjiang, where members of the Uighur community live in open-air prisons under perpetual surveillance by facial recognition systems.

    Privacy is not private, because the effectiveness of these and otherprivate or public surveillance and control systems depends upon the pieces of ourselves that we give up — or that are secretly stolen from us.

    Our digital century was to have been democracy's Golden Age. Instead, we enter its third decade marked by a stark new form of social inequality best understood as "epistemic inequality." It recalls a pre-Gutenberg era of extreme asymmetries of knowledge and the power that accrues to such knowledge, as the tech giants seize control of information and learning itself. The delusion of "privacy as private" was crafted to breed and feed this unanticipated social divide. Surveillance capitalists exploit the widening inequity of knowledge for the sake of profits. They manipulate the economy, our society and even our lives with impunity, endangering not just individual privacy but democracy itself. Distracted by our delusions, we failed to notice this bloodless coup from above.


    The belief that privacy is private has left us careening toward a future that we did not choose, because it failed to reckon with the profound distinction between a society that insists upon sovereign individual rights and one that lives by the social relations of the one-way mirror. The lesson is that privacy is public — it is a collective good that is logically and morally inseparable from the values of human autonomy and self-determination upon which privacy depends and without which a democratic society is unimaginable.

    Still, the winds appear to have finally shifted. A fragile new awareness is dawning as we claw our way back up the rabbit hole toward home. Surveillance capitalists are fast because they seek neither genuine consent nor consensus. They rely on psychic numbing and messages of inevitability to conjure the helplessness, resignation and confusion that paralyze their prey. Democracy is slow, and that's a good thing. Its pace reflects the tens of millions of conversations that occur in families, among neighbors, co-workers and friends, within communities, cities and states, gradually stirring the sleeping giant of democracy to action.

    These conversations are occurring now, and there are many indications that lawmakers are ready to join and to lead. This third decade is likely to decide our fate. Will we make the digital future better, or will it make us worse? Will it be a place that we can call home?

    Epistemic inequality is not based on what we can earn but rather on what we can learn. It is defined as unequal access to learning imposed by private commercial mechanisms of information capture, production, analysis and sales. It is best exemplified in the fast-growing abyss between what we know and what is known about us.

    Twentieth-century industrial society was organized around the "division of labor," and it followed that the struggle for economic equality would shape the politics of that time. Our digital century shifts society's coordinates from a division of labor to a "division of learning," and it follows that the struggle over access to knowledge and the power conferred by such knowledge will shape the politics of our time.

    The new centrality of epistemic inequality signals a power shift from the ownership of the means of production, which defined the politics of the 20th century, to the ownership of the production of meaning. The challenges of epistemic justice and epistemic rights in this new era are summarized in three essential questions about knowledge, authority and power: Who knows? Who decides who knows? Who decides who decides who knows?

    During the last two decades, the leading surveillance capitalists — Google, later followed by Facebook, Amazon and Microsoft — helped to drive this societal transformation while simultaneously ensuring their ascendance to the pinnacle of the epistemic hierarchy. They operated in the shadows to amass huge knowledge monopolies by taking without asking, a maneuver that every child recognizes as theft. Surveillance capitalism begins by unilaterally staking a claim to private human experience as free raw material for translation into behavioral data. Our lives are rendered as data flows.


    Early on, it was discovered that, unknown to users, even data freely given harbors rich predictive signals, a surplus that is more than what is required for service improvement. It isn't only what you post online, but whether you use exclamation points or the color saturation of your photos; not just where you walk but the stoop of your shoulders; not just the identity of your face but the emotional states conveyed by your "microexpressions"; not just what you like but the pattern of likes across engagements. Soon this behavioral surplus was secretly hunted and captured, claimed as proprietary data.

    The data are conveyed through complex supply chains of devices, tracking and monitoring software, and ecosystems of apps and companies that specialize in niche data flows captured in secret. For example, testing by The Wall Street Journal showed that Facebook receives heart rate data from the Instant Heart Rate: HR Monitor, menstrual cycle data from the Flo Period & Ovulation Tracker, and data that reveal interest in real estate properties from Realtor.com — all of it without the user's knowledge.

    These data flows empty into surveillance capitalists' computational factories, called "artificial intelligenceClose X," where they are manufactured into behavioral predictions that are about us, but they are not for us. Instead, they are sold to business customers in a new kind of market that trades exclusively in human futures. Certainty in human affairs is the lifeblood of these markets, where surveillance capitalists compete on the quality of their predictions. This is a new form of trade that birthed some of the richest and most powerful companies in history.


    In order to achieve their objectives, the leading surveillance capitalists sought to establish unrivaled dominance over the 99.9 percent of the world's information now rendered in digital formats that they helped to create. Surveillance capital has built most of the world's largest computer networks, data centers, populations of servers, undersea transmission cables, advanced microchips, and frontier machine intelligence, igniting an arms race for the 10,000or so specialists on the planet who know how to coax knowledge from these vast new data continents.

    With Google in the lead, the top surveillance capitalists seek to control labor markets in critical expertise, including data science and animal research, elbowing out competitors such as start-ups, universities, high schools, municipalities, established corporations in other industries and less wealthy countries. In 2016, 57 percent of American computer science Ph.D. graduates took jobs in industry, while only 11 percent became tenure-track faculty members. It's not just an American problem. In Britain, university administrators contemplate a "missing generation" of data scientists. A Canadian scientist laments, "the power, the expertise, the data are all concentrated in the hands of a few companies."

    Google created the first insanely lucrative markets to trade in human futures, what we now know as online targeted advertising, based on their predictions of which ads users would click. Between 2000, when the new economic logic was just emerging, and 2004, when the company went public, revenues increased by 3,590 percent. This startling number represents the "surveillance dividend." It quickly reset the bar for investors, eventually driving start-ups, apps developers and established companies to shift their business models toward surveillance capitalism. The promise of a fast track to outsized revenues from selling human futures drove this migration first to Facebook, then through the tech sector and now throughout the rest of the economy to industries as disparate as insurance, retail, finance, education, health care, real estate, entertainment and every product that begins with the word "smart" or service touted as "personalized."


    Even Ford, the birthplace of the 20th-century mass production economy, is on the trail of the surveillance dividend, proposing to meet the challenge of slumping car sales by reimagining Ford vehicles as a "transportation operating system." As one analyst put it, Ford "could make a fortune monetizing data. They won't need engineers, factories or dealers to do it. It's almost pure profit."

    Surveillance capitalism's economic imperatives were refined in the competition to sell certainty. Early on it was clear that machine intelligence must feed on volumes of data, compelling economies of scale in data extraction. Eventually it was understood that volume is necessary but not sufficient. The best algorithms also require varieties of data — economies of scope. This realization helped drive the "mobile revolution" sending users into the real world armed with cameras, computers, gyroscopes and microphones packed inside their smart new phones. In the competition for scope, surveillance capitalists want your home and what you say and do within its walls. They want your car, your medical conditions, and the shows you stream; your location as well as all the streets and buildings in your path and all the behavior of all the people in your city. They want your voice and what you eat and what you buy; your children's play time and their schooling; your brain waves and your bloodstreamNothing is exempt.

    Unequal knowledge about us produces unequal power over us, and so epistemic inequality widens to include the distance between what we can do and what can be done to us. Data scientists describe this as the shift from monitoring to actuation, in which a critical mass of knowledge about a machine system enables the remote control of that system. Now people have become targets for remote control, as surveillance capitalists discovered that the most predictive data come from intervening in behavior to tune, herd and modify action in the direction of commercial objectives. This third imperative, "economies of action," has become an arena of intense experimentation. "We are learning how to write the music," one scientist said, "and then we let the music make them dance."

    This new power "to make them dance" does not employ soldiers to threaten terror and murder. It arrives carrying a cappuccino, not a gun. It is a new "instrumentarian" power that works its will through the medium of ubiquitous digital instrumentation to manipulate subliminal cues, psychologically target communications, impose default choice architectures, trigger social comparison dynamics and levy rewards and punishments — all of it aimed at remotely tuning, herding and modifying human behavior in the direction of profitable outcomes and always engineered to preserve users' ignorance.

    We saw predictive knowledge morphing into instrumentarian power in Facebook's contagion experiments published in 2012 and 2014, when it planted subliminal cues and manipulated social comparisons on its pages, first to influence users to vote in midterm elections and later to make people feel sadder or happier. Facebook researchers celebrated the success of these experiments noting two key findings: that it was possible to manipulate online cues to influence real world behavior and feelings, and that this could be accomplished while successfully bypassing users' awareness.

    In 2016, the Google-incubated augmented reality game, Pokémon Go, tested economies of action on the streets. Game players did not know that they were pawns in the real game of behavior modification for profit, as the rewards and punishments of hunting imaginary creatures were used to herd people to the McDonald's, Starbucks and local pizza joints that were paying the company for "footfall," in exactly the same way that online advertisers pay for "click through" to their websites.

    In 2017, a leaked Facebook document acquired by The Australian exposed the corporation's interest in applying "psychological insights" from "internal Facebook data" to modify user behavior. The targets were 6.4 million young Australians and New Zealanders. "By monitoring posts, pictures, interactions and internet activity in real time," the executives wrote, "Facebook can work out when young people feel 'stressed,' 'defeated,' 'overwhelmed,' 'anxious,' 'nervous,' 'stupid,' 'silly,' 'useless' and a 'failure.'" This depth of information, they explained, allows Facebook to pinpoint the time frame during which a young person needs a "confidence boost" and is most vulnerable to a specific configuration of subliminal cues and triggers. The data are then used to match each emotional phase with appropriate ad messaging for the maximum probability of guaranteed sales.


    Facebook denied these practices, though a former product manager accused the company of "lying through its teeth." The fact is that in the absence of corporate transparencyClose X and democratic oversight, epistemic inequality rules. They know. They decide who knows. They decide who decides.

    The public's intolerable knowledge disadvantage is deepened by surveillance capitalists' perfection of mass communications as gaslighting. Two examples are illustrative. On April 30, 2019 Mark Zuckerberg made a dramatic announcement at the company's annual developer conference, declaring, "The future is private." A few weeks later, a Facebook litigator appeared before a federal district judge in California to thwart a user lawsuit over privacy invasion, arguing that the very act of using Facebook negates any reasonable expectation of privacy "as a matter of law." In May 2019 Sundar Pichai, chief executive of Google, wrote in The Times of his corporations's commitment to the principle that "privacy cannot be a luxury good." Five months later Google contractors were found offering $5 gift cards to homeless people of color in an Atlanta park in return for a facial scan.

    Facebook's denial invites even more scrutiny in light of another leaked company document appearing in 2018. The confidential report offers rare insight into the heart of Facebook's computational factory, where a "prediction engine" runs on a machine intelligence platform that "ingests trillions of data points every day, trains thousands of models" and then "deploys them to the server fleet for live predictions." Facebook notes that its "prediction service" produces "more than 6 million predictions per second." But to what purpose?

    In its report, the company makes clear that these extraordinary capabilities are dedicated to meeting its corporate customers' "core business challenges" with procedures that link prediction, microtargeting, intervention and behavior modification. For example, a Facebook service called "loyalty prediction" is touted for its ability to plumb proprietary behavioral surplus to predict individuals who are "at risk" of shifting their brand allegiance and alerting advertisers to intervene promptly with targeted messages designed to stabilize loyalty just in time to alter the course of the future.

    That year a young man named Christopher Wylie turned whistle-blower on his former employer, a political consultancy known as Cambridge Analytica. "We exploited Facebook to harvest millions of people's profiles," Wylie admitted, "and built models to exploit what we knew about them and target their inner demons." Mr. Wylie characterized those techniques as "information warfare," correctly assessing that such shadow wars are built on asymmetries of knowledge and the power it affords. Less clear to the public or lawmakers was that the political firm's strategies of secret invasion and conquest employed surveillance capitalism's standard operating procedures to which billions of innocent "users" are routinely subjected each day. Mr. Wylie described this mirroring process, as he followed a trail that was already cut and marked. Cambridge Analytica's real innovation was to pivot the whole undertaking from commercial to political objectives.

    In other words, Cambridge Analytica was the parasite, and surveillance capitalism was the host. Thanks to its epistemic dominance, surveillance capitalism provided the behavioral data that exposed the targets for assault. Its methods of behavioral microtargeting and behavioral modification became the weapons. And it was surveillance capitalism's lack of accountability for content on its platform afforded by Section 230 that provided the opportunity for the stealth attacks designed to trigger the inner demons of unsuspecting citizens.

    It's not just that epistemic inequality leaves us utterly vulnerable to the attacks of actors like Cambridge Analytica. The larger and more disturbing point is that surveillance capitalism has turned epistemic inequality into a defining condition of our societies, normalizing information warfare as a chronic feature of our daily reality prosecuted by the very corporations upon which we depend for effective social participation. They have the knowledge, the machines, the science and the scientists, the secrets and the lies. All privacy now rests with them, leaving us with few means of defense from these marauding data invaders. Without law, we scramble to hide in our own lives, while our children debate encryptionClose X strategies around the dinner table and students wear masks to public protests as protection from facial recognition systems built with our family photos.


    In the absence of new declarations of epistemic rights and legislation, surveillance capitalism threatens to remake society as it unmakes democracy. From below, it undermines human agency, usurping privacy, diminishing autonomy and depriving individuals of the right to combat. From above, epistemic inequality and injustice are fundamentally incompatible with the aspirations of a democratic people.

    We know that surveillance capitalists work in the shadows, but what they do there and the knowledge they accrue are unknown to us. They have the means to know everything about us, but we can know little about them. Their knowledge of us is not for us. Instead, our futures are sold for others' profits. Since that Federal Trade Commission meeting in 1997, the line was never drawn, and people did become chattel for commerce. Another destructive delusion is that this outcome was inevitable — an unavoidable consequence of convenience-enhancing digital technologies. The truth is that surveillance capitalism hijacked the digital medium. There was nothing inevitable about it.

    American lawmakers have been reluctant to take on these challenges for many reasons. One is an unwritten policy of "surveillance exceptionalism" forged in the aftermath of the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, when the government's concerns shifted from online privacy protections to a new zeal for "total information awareness." In that political environment the fledgling surveillance capabilities emerging from Silicon Valley appeared to hold great promise.

    Surveillance capitalists have also defended themselves with lobbying and forms of propaganda intended to undermine and intimidate lawmakers, confounding judgment and freezing action. These have received relatively little scrutiny compared to the damage they do. Consider two examples:

    The first is the assertion that democracy threatens prosperity and innovation. Former Google chief executive Eric Schmidt explainedin 2011, "we took the position of 'hands off the internet.' You know, leave us alone … The government can make regulatory mistakes that can slow this whole thing down, and we see that and we worry about it." This propaganda is recycled from the Gilded Age barons, whom we now call "robbers." They insisted that there was no need for law when one had the "law of survival of the fittest," the "laws of capital" and the "law of supply and demand."

    Paradoxically, surveillance capital does not appear to drive innovation. A promising new era of economic research shows the critical role that government and democratic governance have played in innovation and suggests a lack of innovation in big tech companies like Google. Surveillance capitalism's information dominance is not dedicated to the urgent challenges of carbon-free energy, eliminating hunger, curing cancers, ridding the oceans of plastic or flooding the world with well paid, smart, loving teachers and doctors. Instead, we see a frontier operation run by geniuses with vast capital and computational power that is furiously dedicated to the lucrative science and economics of human prediction for profit.

    The second form of propaganda is the argument that the success of the leading surveillance capitalist firms reflects the real value they bring to people. But data from the demand side suggest that surveillance capitalism is better understood as a market failure. Instead of a close alignment of supply and demand, people use these services because they have no comparable alternatives and because they are ignorant of surveillance capitalism's shadow operations and their consequences. Pew Research Center recently reported that 81 percent of Americans believe the potential risks of companies' data collection outweigh the benefits, suggesting that corporate success depends upon coercion and obfuscation rather than meeting people's real needs.

    In his prizewinning history of regulation, the historian Thomas McCraw delivers a warning. Across the centuries regulators failed when they did not frame "strategies appropriate to the particular industries they were regulating.." Existing privacy and antitrust laws are vital but neither will be wholly adequate to the new challenges of reversing epistemic inequality.


    These contests of the 21st century demand a framework of epistemic rights enshrined in law and subject to democratic governance. Such rights would interrupt data supply chains by safeguarding the boundaries of human experience before they come under assault from the forces of datafication. The choice to turn any aspect of one's life into data must belong to individuals by virtue of their rights in a democratic society. This means, for example, that companies cannot claim the right to your face, or use your face as free raw material for analysis, or own and sell any computational products that derive from your face. The conversation on epistemic rights has already begun, reflected in a pathbreaking report from Amnesty International.

    On the demand side, we can outlaw human futures markets and thus eliminate the financial incentives that sustain the surveillance dividend. This is not a radical prospect. For example, societies outlaw markets that trade in human organs, babies and slaves. In each case, we recognize that such markets are both morally repugnant and produce predictably violent consequences. Human futures markets can be shown to produce equally predictable outcomes that challenge human freedom and undermine democracy. Like subprime mortgages and fossil fuel investments, surveillance assets will become the new toxic assets.

    In support of a new competitive landscape, lawmakers will need to champion new forms of collective action, just as nearly a century ago legal protections for the rights to organize, to strike and to bargain collectively united lawmakers and workers in curbing the powers of monopoly capitalists. Lawmakers must seek alliances with citizens who are deeply concerned over the unchecked power of the surveillance capitalists and with workers who seek fair wages and reasonable security in defiance of the precarious employment conditions that define the surveillance economy.

    Anything made by humans can be unmade by humans. Surveillance capitalism is young, barely 20 years in the making, but democracy is old, rooted in generations of hope and contest.

    Surveillance capitalists are rich and powerful, but they are not invulnerable. They have an Achilles heel: fear. They fear lawmakers who do not fear them. They fear citizens who demand a new road forward as they insist on new answers to old questions: Who will know? Who will decide who knows? Who will decide who decides? Who will write the music, and who will dance?

    Shoshana Zuboff (@ShoshanaZuboff) is professor emerita at Harvard Business School and the author of "The Age of Surveillance Capitalism."

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    14) He Waterboarded a Detainee. Then He Had to Get the C.I.A. to Let Him Stop.

    An architect of the C.I.A. interrogation program testified that to persuade his superiors to let him stop torturing a captive, he had them stand in the cell and watch.

    By Carol Rosenberg, January 22, 2020

    https://www..nytimes.com/2020/01/22/us/politics/cia-torture-interrogation-guantanamo.html?action=click&module=News&pgtype=Homepage


    James E. Mitchell testified to the military tribunal at Guantánamo Bay for a second day on Wednesday.Credit...Angel Valentin for The New York Times


    This article was produced in partnership with the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting.

    GUANTÁNAMO BAY, Cuba — After a few weeks of waterboarding the captive in August 2002, the C.I.A. contract psychologists who had developed the interrogation program wanted to stop. The prisoner, a Palestinian known as Abu Zubaydah, was cooperating, and there did not seem to be any point in continuing to torture him.

    But senior intelligence officials wanted them to press on, one of the psychologists, James E. Mitchell, testified to the military tribunal at Guantánamo on Wednesday.

    "Please continue with the aggressive interrogation strategy for the next 2-3 weeks," their C.I.A. supervisors cabled them, even after the psychologists had sought permission several times to stop using the waterboard and had sent their bosses a disturbingly graphic video montage of what they had been doing.

    Dr. Mitchell said those directing the operation derided the psychologists as "pussies" and believed that, contrary to reports from the secret C.I.A. prison in Thailand where they were carrying out the interrogation, Mr. Zubaydah could yield some information about what they feared were looming terrorist attacks. If they would not continue, their supervisors threatened to replace them with someone more aggressive.


    So with the support of the C.I.A. station chief, Dr. Mitchell and his partner in developing the program, John Bruce Jessen, summoned a delegation from headquarters to the site to see a real-life version of what had been antiseptically portrayed on television. He quoted himself as saying, "They should bring their rubber boots and come on down."

    The agency dispatched a debriefer from Alec Station, the division that was hunting for Osama bin Laden, and a senior lawyer from the C.I.A.'s Counterterrorism Center.

    Dr. Mitchell, describing the incident for the first time in court, said his thinking at the time was: "If you think you want us to waterboard him, then you're going to witness it. We're going to do it one more time and then never again."

    In his account in court on Wednesday, he omitted any description of what Mr. Zubaydah was experiencing as guards, the visitors and other black site workers crammed inside his musty, sweaty-smelling cell to watch the waterboarding.

    "I don't want to use the word 'perfunctory' about something that horrible," Dr. Mitchell said, describing how he held a cloth over the Palestinian prisoner's face as Dr. Jessen did two "20-second pours," gave the prisoner time to catch his breath, poured water on his face for shorter durations and then concluded with a final, "40-second pour."


    Seven months later, Dr. Mitchell and Dr. Jessen waterboarded Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, who allegedly led the Sept. 11, 2001, hijacking plot, 183 times. But Dr. Mitchell, testifying on the second day of two weeks of hearings centered on the C.I.A. torture program, described essentially putting on a show for visiting senior intelligence officials from C.I.A. headquarters to get permission to stop waterboarding Mr. Zubaydah, whom he and his partner waterboarded a total of 63 times.


    Abu Zubaydah, who was subjected to waterboarding and other "enhanced interrogation" techniques. The C.I.A. thought he was a high-ranking leader of Al Qaeda.Credit...U.S. Central Command


    Defense lawyers in the Sept. 11 death-penalty case called Dr. Mitchell as the first eyewitness of what went on in the C.I.A. interrogation and detention program in the years before Mr. Mohammed and his co-defendants were transferred to Guantánamo in September 2006 for trial.

    During his testimony, Dr. Mitchell pantomimed pouring water, as though from a pitcher. Twenty-five feet away, Mr. Mohammed, on trial for his alleged role in planning the Sept. 11 attacks that killed nearly 3,000 people, had headphones on and appeared to be watching a video on a laptop.

    "Some of the folks who were watching were tearful," Dr. Mitchell said in describing the reaction among the visitors who came to see Mr. Zubaydah's interrogation, including "people who had been there all along who didn't want to see him waterboarded again. I was tearful. I cry at dog food commercials, and it was particularly hard for me to do."

    "I felt sorry for him," Dr. Mitchell said of Mr. Zubaydah. "I thought it was unnecessary. He had agreed to work for us," and aside from the occasional deception, he said, "he held up his end of the bargain."

    In April 2002, as C.I.A. contract psychologists, Drs. Mitchell and Jessen designed a program of violence, sleep deprivation and isolation specifically for use on Mr. Zubaydah. The C.I.A. euphemistically called them "enhanced interrogation techniques."


    Both psychologists were Air Force veterans and drew from experience at the military training program called SERE — for Survival, Evasion, Resistance and Escape — that subjected United States forces to simulated torture to prepare them for possible capture.

    They began waterboarding Mr. Zubaydah in early August. Later that month, Dr. Mitchell testified, they had concluded that they wanted to stop because he was cooperating with his captors and divulging Qaeda secrets.


    It was later disclosed that the C.I.A. had mistakenly profiled Mr. Zubaydah as a senior Qaeda official. In fact, he knew some fellow jihadists from Pakistan and Afghanistan and had aspired to set up a rival "terror cell," Dr. Mitchell testified, but had not yet done so. He has never been charged with a crime and is held at Guantánamo as an indefinite detainee.

    Through the day, Dr. Mitchell portrayed himself as a sometime whistle-blower who tried to prevent full-time C.I.A. interrogators from doing gratuitously cruel things in the black sites.

    He dispassionately described watching an interrogation of the Saudi man now charged in the U.S.S. Cole bombing case, Abd al-Rahim al-Nashiri, that involved a "stress position": Guards put a broomstick behind the captive's knees and bent his torso backward, "pushing his shoulder blades to the floor."

    "He was screaming, and I thought he would dislocate his knees," said Dr. Mitchell, who said he reported the mistreatment internally. He added that he did not use stress positions in his interrogations because they "don't lend themselves very well to the kind of classical conditioning I was interested in."

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    15) What the C.I.A.'s Torture Program Looked Like to the Tortured

    Drawings done in captivity by the first prisoner known to undergo "enhanced interrogation" portray his account of what happened to him in vivid and disturbing ways.

    By Carol Rosenberg, December 4, 2019

    https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/04/us/politics/cia-torture-drawings.html?action=click&module=RelatedLinks&pgtype=Article


    An image drawn by Abu Zubaydah, a prisoner at Guantánamo Bay, shows how the C.I.A. applied an approved torture technique called "cramped confinement."Credit...Abu Zubaydah, Courtesy Mark P. Denbeaux


    This article was produced in partnership with the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting.

    GUANTÁNAMO BAY, Cuba — One shows the prisoner nude and strapped to a crude gurney, his entire body clenched as he is waterboarded by an unseen interrogator. Another shows him with his wrists cuffed to bars so high above his head he is forced on to his tiptoes, with a long wound stitched on his left leg and a howl emerging from his open mouth. Yet another depicts a captor smacking his head against a wall.

    They are sketches drawn in captivity by the Guantánamo Bay prisoner known as Abu Zubaydah, self-portraits of the torture he was subjected to during the four years he was held in secret prisons by the C.I.A.

    Published here for the first time, they are gritty and highly personal depictions that put flesh, bones and emotion on what until now had sometimes been portrayed in popular culture in sanitized or inaccurate ways: the so-called enhanced interrogations techniques used by the United States in secret overseas prisons during a feverish pursuit of Al Qaeda after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.

    In each illustration, Mr. Zubaydah — the first person to be subject to the interrogation program approved by President George W. Bush's administration — portrays the particular techniques as he says they were used on him at a C.I.A. black site in Thailand in August 2002.


    They demonstrate how, more than a decade after the Obama administration outlawed the program — and then went on to partly declassify a Senate study that found the C.I.A. lied about both its effectiveness and its brutality — the final chapter of the black sites has yet to be written.

    Mr. Zubaydah, 48, drew them this year at Guantánamo for inclusion in a 61-page report, "How America Tortures," by his lawyer, Mark P. Denbeaux, a professor at the Seton Hall University School of Law in Newark, and some of Mr. Denbeaux's students. 

    The report uses firsthand accounts, internal Bush administration memos, prisoners' memories and the 2014 Senate Intelligence Committee report to analyze the interrogation program. The program was initially set up for Mr. Zubaydah, who was mistakenly believed to be a top Qaeda lieutenant.

    He was captured in a gun battle in Faisalabad, Pakistan, in March 2002, gravely injured, including a bad wound to his left thigh, and was sent to the C.I.A.'s overseas prison network. 

    After an internal debate over whether Mr. Zubaydah was forthcoming to F.BI. interrogators, the agency hired two C.I.A. contract psychologists to create the now-outlawed program that would use violence, isolation and sleep deprivation on more than 100 men in secret sites, some described as dungeons, staffed by secret guards and medical officers.


    Descriptions of the methods began leaking out more than a decade ago, occasionally in wrenching detail but sometimes with little more than stick-figure depictions of what prisoners went through. 

    But these newly released drawings depict specific C.I.A. techniques that were approved, described and categorized in memos prepared in 2002 by the Bush administration, and capture the perspective of the person being tortured, Mr. Zubaydah, a Palestinian whose real name is Zayn al-Abidin MuhammadHusayn.

    He was the first person known to be waterboarded by the C.I.A. — he endured it 83 times — and was the first person known to becrammed into a small confinement box as part of what the Seton Hall study called "a constantly rotating barrage" of methods meant to break what interrogators believed was his resistance.

    Subsequent intelligence analysis showed that while Mr. Zubaydah was a jihadist, he had no advance knowledge about the 9/11 attacks, nor was he a member of Al Qaeda. 

    He has never been charged with a crime, and documents released through the courts show that military prosecutors have no plans to do so. 

    He is held at the base's most secretive prison, Camp 7, where he drew these sketches not as artwork, whose release from Guantánamo is now forbidden, but as legal material that was reviewed and cleared — with one redaction — for inclusion in the study. Other drawings he has done of himself during his imprisonment were published last year by ProPublica.


    Abu Zubaydah, Courtesy Mark P. Denbeaux

    In this drawing, the prisoner portrays himself as nude on the waterboard, immobilized as water pours down on his hooded head, his right foot contorted in pain. The image contrasts with some others seen in popular culture; an exhibit at the Spy Museum in Washington, for example, shows a guard pouring water onto the face of a prisoner who is neatly clad in what looks like a prison jumpsuit. 

    Mr. Zubaydah's self-portrait also shows a design detail not present in most depictions — a drop-down hinge to tilt the prisoner's head. Restraints hold down his wounded thigh. 

    The Senate Intelligence Committee study of the C.I.A. program concluded that waterboarding and other techniques were "brutal and far worse than the C.I.A. represented." Its use induced convulsions, vomiting and left Mr. Zubaydah "completely unresponsive, with bubbles rising through his open, full mouth." 

    In a now declassified account he provided his lawyer in 2008, Mr. Zubaydah described the first of what would be 83 waterboarding sessions this way: "They kept pouring water and concentrating on my nose and my mouth until I really felt I was drowning and my chest was just about to explode from the lack of oxygen."



    Abu Zubaydah, Courtesy Mark P. Denbeaux

    Accounts by detainees in different black sites have differed on how this method was used. In his illustration, Mr. Zubaydah shows himself nude and shackled at the wrists to a bar above his head, forced to stand on tiptoe. 

    In his account, as reported by his lawyers, he was still recovering from what the C.I.A. had described as a large wound in his thigh, and he tried to balance his weight on the other leg.


    "Long hours went by while I was standing in that position," he told his lawyers. "My hands were tight to the upper bars." 

    Some guards, he said, "noticed the color of my hands," moved him to a chair "and the interrogation vertigo resumed — the cold, the hunger, the little sleep and the intense vomiting, which I didn't know whether it was caused by the cold, the 'Ensure' or the noise." (The C.I.A.. put its prisoners on liquid diets in its program of so-called learned helplessness.)


    Abu Zubaydah, Courtesy Mark P. Denbeaux

    Mr. Zubaydah, who is not known to have formal art training, drew himself in a hood, shackled in the fetal position and tethered by a chain to a cell bar to constrict his movement. In granting the C.I..A. approval to use a technique similar to this, Jay S. Bybee, a former assistant attorney general, noted in an 18-page memo dated Aug. 1, 2002, that "through observing Zubaydah in captivity, you have noted that he appears to be quite flexible despite his wound." 

    He also noted in the authorization, addressed to the C.I.A.'s actinggeneral counsel at the time, John A. Rizzo, that the agency asserted that "these positions are not designed to produce the pain associated with contortions or twisting of the body."


    Abu Zubaydah, Courtesy Mark P. Denbeaux

    This image emerged from Guantánamo with a black redaction box over Mr. Zubaydah's depiction of the face of his interrogator.

    It shows the prisoner's captor tightly winding a towel around his neck as he smashes the back of his head against what Mr. Zubaydah recalled was a wooden wall covering a cement wall. 

    "He kept banging me against the wall," he said of the experience, which he described as leaving him blind "for a few instants." With each bang, he said, he would fall to the floor, be dragged by the plastic-tape-wrapped towel "which caused bleeding in my neck," and then receive a slap on his face. 

    In a 2017 deposition as part of a lawsuit that was eventually settled, James E. Mitchell, a former C.I.A. contract psychologist who devised the techniques with a colleague, John Bruce Jessen, said walling was "discombobulating" and meant to stir up a prisoner's inner ears. "If it's painful, you're doing it wrong," he said. 


    Abu Zubaydah, Courtesy Mark P. Denbeaux

    In this drawing, Mr. Zubaydah is shaved, nude, shackled in such a way he cannot stand up and, by his account, is sitting on a bucket meant to serve as a toilet.

    "I found myself in total darkness," he said. "The only spot I could sit in was on top of the bucket, for the place was very tight." 

    In his account, Mr. Zubaydah describes being confined in "a large wooden box that looked like a wooden casket." The first time he saw it, guards were turning it vertical and a man in black clothes and a military jacket announced, "From now on, this is going to be your home."


    Mr. Zubaydah portrays himself in the drawings with both eyes. A photograph of him early during his time at Guantánamo shows him wearing an eye patch after the removal of an injured eye.


    Abu Zubaydah, Courtesy Mark P. Denbeaux

    The small box is similar to the one on display at the Spy Museum where, during a visit, children could be seen crawling inside. 

    In his account, included in the Seton Hall report, Mr. Zubaydah describes his time in what he called "the dog box" as "so painful." He adds: "As soon as they locked me up inside the box, I tried my best to sit up, but in vain, for the box was too short. I tried to take a curled position but to no vain, for it was too tight." He was immobilized and shackled in the fetal position, as he described it, for "countless hours," experiencing muscle contractions. 

    "The very strong pain," he said, "made me scream unconsciously." 


    Abu Zubaydah, Courtesy Mark P. Denbeaux

    Mr. Zubaydah recalled that agents used a method of "horizontal sleep deprivation" that involved shackling him flat on the ground in such a painful position that it made it impossible to sleep. 

    The C.I.A. justified sleep deprivation by saying it "focuses the detainee's attention on his current situation rather than ideological goals." In approving this and other techniques in August 2002, Mr. Bybee said the C.I.A. had said it would not deprive Mr. Zubaydah of sleep for "more than 11 days at a time."


    In the Seton Hall study, Mr. Zubaydah recounted being deprived of sleep for "maybe two or three weeks or even more." 

    "It felt like an eternity," he added, "to the point that I found myself falling asleep despite the water being thrown at me by the guard.." 

    In this drawing, the prisoner portrays himself as lightly clothed.


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    Posted by: Bonnie Weinstein <bonnieweinstein@yahoo.com>
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