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  • BAUAW NEWSLETTER
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    Friday, September 10, 2004
     

    YES ON PROP. N-BAUAW NEWSLETTER

    Dear readers,

    At our meeting last evening we resolved to throw our efforts
    in the coming weeks before the elections, into the Proposition N
    antiwar campaign in San Francisco.

    Proposition N reads:

    "It is the Policy of the people of the City and County of San
    Francisco that: The Federal government should take immediate
    steps to end the U.S. occupation of Iraq and bring our troops
    safely home now."

    To this end we have already entered a ballot argument in support
    of Prop. N at a cost of over $600.00 and have contributed an
    additional $50.00 to the Prop. N campaign committee last evening.
    However our funds are getting very low. We wish to publish material
    so that we can cover the city with Yes on Prop N material.

    Very few people even know about the initiative yet. We need to
    change this and make it a central focus for the movement here.
    There should be window signs in every window on every block
    urging a YES on N vote.

    We are a voluntary organization and have no outside funding
    other than contributions from folks like you. We have no paid
    staff or office so all the money we get is spent on antiwar
    organizing efforts-posters, brochures, flyers, forums, teach-ins,
    street meetings and mailings-and now we want to focus on
    YES on N material and community organizing up until the
    elections.

    This means we need money for printed material and
    for sound permits (at $60.00 each) for community street meetings,
    etc., to get out the YES on N vote.

    We are appealing to our readers to make a financial contribution to
    help us in this work.

    Please send a contribution to:

    Bay Area United Against War
    P.O. Box 318021
    San Francisco, CA 94131-8021

    If you can send an amount over $50.00 and wish to take a
    tax deduction then make your check payable to:

    Bay Area United Against War/NVM
    P.O. Box 318021
    San Francisco, CA 94131-8021

    We want to ensure nothing less than a landslide victory for
    Proposition N in San Francisco this year and we need your support!

    Peace and solidarity,

    BAUAW

    P.S. We will be launching our redesigned web site soon with links
    to all major antiwar groups. The site will include all the latest news
    and information of actions and activity in the San Francisco Bay Area.
    Keep a lookout for the opening launch soon!

    The next BAUAW meeting will be:

    WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 7 p.m.
    1380 VALENCIA STREET
    (BETWEEN 24TH & 25TH STREETS, S.F.)

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    1) U.S. Hid Dozens of Iraqi
    Prisoners, Investigators Say
    By Vicki Allen
    WASHINGTON (Reuters)
    Thu Sep 9, 2004 05:41 PM ET
    http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml?type=topNews&storyID=6197512&src=eDialog/GetContent§ion=news

    2) New Documents Reveal that USAID Provided $2.3 Million
    to Venezuela's Opposition in 2003
    By: Eva Golinger - Venezuelafoia.info
    New York, September 8, 2004
    http://www.venezuelanalysis.com/print.php?newsno=1360

    3) Ashcroft Strikes Out, Third Federal Court Rules
    Federal Abortion Ban is Unconstitutional
    and Cannot Be Enforced
    Decision Echoes Rulings in San Francisco and New York
    NEW YORK CITY
    September 8, 2004
    http://www.plannedparenthood.org/about/pr/040908_Ashcroft.html

    4) Gaza Emergency
    "Barbara Lubin"
    Thu, 9 Sep 2004 16:12:16 -0700 (PDT)



    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    1) U.S. Hid Dozens of Iraqi
    Prisoners, Investigators Say
    By Vicki Allen
    WASHINGTON (Reuters)
    Thu Sep 9, 2004 05:41 PM ET
    http://www.reuters.com/
    newsArticle.jhtml?type=topNews&storyID=6197512&src=eDialog/
    GetContent§ion=news

    WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The United
    may have kept up to 100 "ghost
    detainees" in Iraq off the books and
    concealed from Red Cross observers, a far
    higher number than previously reported,
    an Army general told Congress on
    Thursday.

    Estimates were rough because the CIA has
    withheld documents on concealed
    detainees, Army generals who investigated
    U.S. abuses of Iraqi prisoners told
    lawmakers. Republican and Democratic
    senators blasted the CIA, and called for it to
    turn over the material.

    At a Senate committee hearing, Gen. Paul
    Kern, commander of the U.S. Army Materiel
    Command, said he believed the number of
    ghost detainees held in violation of
    Geneva Convention protections was "in the
    dozens to perhaps up to 100," far
    surpassing the eight people identified
    in an Army report.

    Maj. Gen. George Fay, deputy commander
    at the U.S. Army Intelligence and Security
    Command, said he expected it may be
    two dozen or more. "We were not able to get
    documentation from the Central Intelligence
    Agency to answer those types of
    questions. So we really don't know the
    volume," he said.

    The Geneva Conventions require countries
    to disclose information on prisoners to
    the International Committee of the Red
    Cross, which monitors their treatment.

    The Senate and House of Representatives
    Armed Services Committees held hearings
    on an Army probe of the role of military
    intelligence in abuses at Abu Ghraib prison
    near Baghdad, as well as broader findings
    on U.S. mistreatment of prisoners by an
    independent panel headed by former Defense
    Secretary James Schlesinger.

    The reports depicted more widespread
    abuses than the acts of a handful of soldiers
    accused when the images of horrific
    sexual and physical humiliation and torture at
    the Abu Ghraib prison first came to light last spring.

    CIA CRITICIZED

    While the panel led by Schlesinger blamed
    top Pentagon civilian and military leaders
    for contributing to a climate that led to
    the sadistic treatment of detainees,
    Schlesinger said U.S. forces in Iraq had
    behaved far better overall than in previous
    wars, including World War II, Korea and Vietnam.

    He said the 66 cases of confirmed
    abuse, although higher than the Bush
    administration first disclosed, "is a s
    mall number -- comparing quite well ... with
    previous wars."

    Senators called the CIA's failure so far
    to turn over information sought by Army
    investigators unacceptable.

    "The situation with the CIA and ghost
    soldiers is beginning to look like a bad movie,"
    said Sen. John McCain, an Arizona Republican.

    "I think that this is something that needs
    to be asked ... of the incoming director of
    the CIA," McCain said, referring to Rep.
    Porter Goss, a Florida Republican tapped by
    President Bush to run the CIA.

    The Senate Intelligence Committee
    scheduled a confirmation hearing for Goss on
    Sept. 14.

    Warner said the Intelligence Committee
    also was pressing the CIA for information,
    and said the Armed Services Committee
    would more closely examine the ghost
    detainees issue.

    CIA spokesman Mark Mansfield said the
    agency's inspector general was conducting
    "a comprehensive review of the agency's
    involvement in detention and interrogation
    activities," and the agency was "determined
    to examine thoroughly any allegations of
    abuse."

    The findings of the Army investigation,
    headed by Fay and Lt. Gen. Anthony Jones
    and released in August, listed 44 instances
    of prisoner abuse, 13 directly involving
    interrogations.

    It said 27 military intelligence personnel --
    23 soldiers and four contractors --
    directly took part in abuse or induced
    others to do so, while another eight -- six
    soldiers and two contractors -- failed to
    report abuse they had witnessed. All have
    been recommended for possible criminal charges.

    Lawmakers said those higher up the chain
    of command also must be held
    accountable for failing in key duties.

    Sen. Lindsey Graham, a South Carolina
    Republican, worried that the "only people that
    are court-martialed here are privates and
    sergeants ... Dereliction of duty will be
    redefined one way or the other after this
    investigation." (Additional reporting by Will
    Dunham, Jim Wolf and Tabassum Zakaria)

    (c) Copyright Reuters 2004.

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    2) New Documents Reveal that USAID Provided $2.3 Million
    to Venezuela's Opposition in 2003
    By: Eva Golinger - Venezuelafoia.info
    New York, September 8, 2004
    http://www.venezuelanalysis.com/print.php?newsno=1360

    New York, September 8, 2004-
    Documents recently obtained from the U.S.
    Department of State under the
    Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) by
    www.venezuelafoia.info
    www.venezuelafoia.info> demonstrate that more
    than $5 million annually during the
    past two years was given by the United
    States Agency for International Development
    (USAID) to various organizations in Venezuela,
    many of which are aligned with the
    opposition. One of the
    key groups collaborating with
    USAID is Súmate, the organization that promoted the
    recall referendum campaign against
    President Hugo Chávez and is now rejecting the
    results that have been certified by the
    most credible international observers and even
    by the U.S. government. Súmate,
    despite its numerous undemocratic positions and
    actions, has also been a recipient of
    U.S. government funds from the National
    Endowment for Democracy in 2003.

    However, these new documents
    obtained by Venezuelafoia.info have all been
    censored by the U.S. Government
    despite the use of the FOIA, which intends to
    ensure transparency in U.S. Government
    operations. The Department of State has
    withheld the names of the organizations
    receiving financing from USAID by
    misapplying a FOIA exemption that is
    intended to protect "personnel and medical
    files" of individuals. Such clear censorship
    indicates that USAID and the U.S.
    Government clearly have something to hide
    regarding their collaborations with the
    Venezuelan opposition. Despite USAID's
    ongoing crusade to encourage transparency
    in foreign governments, the withholding
    of information that does not fall under any
    available exemptions clearly demonstrates
    a double standard applied by the U.S.
    Government in this case.

    USAID is financed by the U.S. Congress and
    is controlled by the Department of State.
    Founded by President John F. Kennedy in
    1961, USAID was established as a fund
    dedicated to humanitarian intervention around
    the world. Despite Kennedy's humane
    intentions, USAID has more recently been
    used, in many instances, as a mechanism to
    promote the interests of the U.S. in strategically
    important countries around the
    world. In the case of Venezuela, USAID
    maintains a private contractor in Caracas
    monitoring and facilitating its projects
    and funds and also has a local operating
    center, the Office of Transition Initiatives
    (OTI) that was established in 2002, after the
    failed coup d'etat against President Chávez.
    The private contractor, Development
    Alternatives, inc. (DAI), manages and
    supervises grants approved by USAID to
    Venezuelan organizations.

    Under a program entitled Venezuela: Initiative
    to Build Confidence, DAI has awarded
    67 grants to Venezuelan organizations in
    various sectors and areas of interest. These
    grants equal $2.3 million, just during 2003.
    In total, DAI 's program in Venezuela
    counts on $10,000,000 in funding for the
    period August 2002 through August 2004
    -$5 million annually to "focus on common
    goals for the future of Venezuela".
    According to the documents obtained
    under FOIA and DAI's project description
    (available on www.dai.com/about_dai/about_fs.htm www.venezuelanalysis.com/elpublicador/www.dai.com/about_dai/about_fs.htm> )=


    none of the project grants or programs
    have been in collaboration with the
    Venezuelan government.

    In fact, many of the same recipients of U.S.
    government funds through the National
    Endowment for Democracy (NED) have
    also received USAID funding through DAI.
    Despite the illegal withholding of names
    on the USAID-DAI grants, one document
    apparently was skipped, at least in part.
    The name, Súmate appears on a grant
    intended to encourage "electoral participation"
    in the recall referendum, citing
    $84,840 as the total grant amount.
    Combined with the NED grant of $53,400 given to
    Súmate in 2003-2004, the organization
    that is now crying fraud about the recall
    referendum against President Chávez, the
    results of which have been recognized as
    absolutely credible by the Carter Center
    and the U.S. Department of State, has
    received, at minimum, more than $200,000
    in just one year for promoting its
    attempts to remove Venezuela's President
    from office.

    Other recipients of USAID funds through
    DAI which are apparent in the censored
    documents include the organization
    Liderazgo y Visión for its project, "Un Sueño para
    Venezuela", ("A Dream for Venezuela") a
    project created in 2002-2003 with the intent
    of offering an alternative vision and agenda
    for those opposing President Chávez's
    administration. Liderazgo y Visión has also
    been a recipient of NED funds over the
    past few years. More than 6 organizations
    have been given funding for political and
    social formation and development in Petare,
    a poor neighborhood in the outskirts of
    Caracas, in the Miranda State. The work in
    Petare and the more than $200,000 that
    have been funneled into that neighborhood
    in the past year, appear to have been
    aimed at converting a community that was
    traditionally pro-Chávez, into one that
    supports the opposition. The recall referendum
    results from August 15, 2004 show
    the opposition gaining substantial numbers
    in Petare, and Miranda state was one of
    only two states in the entire nation that
    gave victory to the opposition in the
    referendum.

    One grant from USAID/DAI focuses on
    the creation of radio and television
    commercials during the December 2002-
    February 2003 strike imposed by the
    opposition, during which the private media
    dedicated its airwaves 24-7 to opposition
    propaganda. One of the most striking aspects
    of the media's dedication to the strike
    was the use of anti-Chávez commercials to
    indoctrinate viewers' opinions on
    Venezuela's political situation. The USAID/DAI
    grant shows funding originating from
    the U.S. government for some of these
    anti-Chávez commercials, collaborating with
    former Fedecámaras President Carlos
    Fernandez, who was one of the leaders of the
    strike, in the project.

    These new documents from USAID provide
    evidence for a clear focus on two major
    projects in Venezuela: The Recall Referendum
    and the Formation of a National
    Agenda that would serve as a transitional
    government post-Chávez (assuming the
    referendum was won by the opposition).

    The documents are available for public
    viewing on www.venezuelafoia.info www.venezuelanalysis.com/elpublicador/www.venezuelafoia.info>

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    3) Ashcroft Strikes Out, Third Federal Court Rules
    Federal Abortion Ban is Unconstitutional
    and Cannot Be Enforced
    Decision Echoes Rulings in San Francisco and New York
    NEW YORK CITY
    September 8, 2004
    http://www.plannedparenthood.org/about/pr/040908_Ashcroft.html

    NEW YORK CITY - In the third of three
    federal court rulings, a Nebraska judge has
    struck down the federal abortion ban passed
    by Congress last October and signed by
    President Bush. Planned Parenthood
    Federation of America (PPFA) applauded the
    ruling issued today in Carhart v. Ashcroft .

    "Today's ruling should be a cease and desist
    order for Attorney General Ashcroft and
    his taxpayer-funded anti-choice pursuits,"
    PPFA President Gloria Feldt said. "Like the
    San Francisco and New York courts, the
    Nebraska court recognized that women's
    health, medical privacy and the U.S.
    Constitution trump anti-choice ideology. Women
    and doctors should make private, personal
    health care decisions - not John Ashcroft
    or any other politician."

    On June 1, 2004, in Planned Parenthood
    Federation of America v. Ashcroft, a federal
    court in northern California struck down
    the federal abortion ban. In doing so, the
    federal court ruled that Attorney General
    Ashcroft cannot enforce the federal abortion
    ban against any Planned Parenthood affiliate,
    or its "officers, agents, servants,
    employees, [or] contractors," whether the
    abortion is performed in a facility owned or
    operated by Planned Parenthood or elsewhere.

    On August 26, the federal court in New
    York City struck down the ban again in
    National Abortion Federation (NAF) v. Ashcroft .

    All three cases included the overwhelming
    testimony of highly respected ob/gyns
    from around the country who testified that
    this law would ban abortions as early as
    12 to 15 weeks in pregnancy, abortions
    they say are safe and among the best for
    women's health. The ban would further fail
    to safeguard women because it does not
    contain an exception to protect their health.
    The American College of Obstetricians
    and Gynecologists (ACOG) and many other
    major medical organizations join PPFA in
    opposing the ban.

    In an attempted sweeping invasion of
    medical privacy earlier this year, Attorney
    General John Ashcroft tried unsuccessfully
    to obtain thousands of confidential
    medical records of women who obtained
    abortions. Among the records subpoenaed
    were those from Planned Parenthood health
    centers nationwide, but PPFA successfully
    blocked the effort. Ashcroft's calculated
    fishing expedition was in response to the
    effort to block the federal abortion ban.

    On March 29, 2003, three federal courts
    began hearing legal challenges to the
    "Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act of 2003," a
    new law passed by Congress in October
    2003 and signed by President Bush in
    November 2003. The lawsuits were brought by
    PPFA on behalf of Planned Parenthood
    Golden Gate, the affiliate in San Francisco, and
    the physicians, staff and patients of
    Planned Parenthood affiliates nationwide; the
    American Civil Liberties Union and Wilmer
    Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP on
    behalf of the National Abortion Federation
    and other doctors; and the Center for
    Reproductive Rights (CRR) on behalf of
    Dr. LeRoy Carhart and other doctors.

    Planned Parenthood Federation of America
    is the nation's largest and most trusted
    voluntary reproductive health organization.
    We believe that everyone has the right to
    choose when or whether to have a child -
    and that every child should be wanted and
    loved. Planned Parenthood affiliates operate
    nearly 850 health centers nationwide,
    providing medical services and sexuality
    education for millions of women, men, and
    teenagers each year.
    Contact:
    Colleen McCabe (212) 261-4729
    Joel Lawson (202) 973-4880

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    4) Gaza Emergency
    "Barbara Lubin"
    Thu, 9 Sep 2004 16:12:16 -0700 (PDT)

    All of us at the Middle East Children's Alliance are concerned, as I'm
    sure you are, about the worsening situation in Palestine and
    particularly the latest news coming out of northern Gaza. I, MECA's executi=

    ve
    director, spoke with a friend and doctor in Gaza City this morning and was =


    told that 19 Palestinians had been admitted into the Al-Awda hospital
    last night with serious injuries. The Israeli army has stated that this
    an open ended invasion. We fear that this will become another operation
    like those in Rafah and Beit Hanoun, leaving many more Palestinians
    killed, injured, and homeless.

    We felt we had to send out a message to our friends and supporters to
    update you on the tragedies being paid for by our US tax dollars.
    Please find below a number of excerpts with the links to full articles. We =


    hope you will pass on this information to your friends and families.

    Thank you,
    Middle East Children's Alliance

    901 Parker Street
    Berkeley, California 94710
    United States


    No US Aid to Israel. End the Occupation.
    Support Divestment and Sanctions.


    From the Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR):
    http://www.pchrgaza.org/
    files/PressR/English/2004/110-2004.htm "At the time of
    writing, 4 Palestinians,
    including a 10 year old child,
    have been killed and 53 others, mostly children, have been injured by
    the Israeli gunfire and shelling. PCHR's investigations strongly
    indicate that Israeli troops used excessive lethal force against unarmed
    Palestinian civilians, without adhering to the principles of proportionalit=

    y
    and distinction."

    "...At approximately 12:00, Israeli troops indiscriminately shelled
    [Jabalya] camp. As a result, 3 Palestinian civilians, including a child,
    were killed."

    "PCHR reminds the international community of Israeli violations of the
    Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in
    Time of War of 1949 (Fourth Geneva Convention), particularly article 33
    which prohibits collective punishment, and article 147 which considers
    "extensive destruction and appropriation of property, not justified by
    military necessity, and carried out unlawfully and wantonly" a grave
    breach that may amount, in some circumstances, to be a war crime under
    article 85-3 of Protocol 1 Additional to the Geneva Conventions."

    10-Year Old Girl Hit in UNRWA Classroom by Israeli Gunfire
    UNRWA Press Release- September 7 http://domino.un.org/unispal.nsf/0/
    6b9f5e29011585b585256f08004f231b?OpenDocument At 07:45 10-year old Raghda
    Adnan Al-Assar was struck in the head by
    Israeli fire while sitting at her desk in UNRWA's Elementary C Girl's
    School in Khan Younis camp. She is now in the European
    Gaza Hospital where
    she has undergone major surgery.

    UNRWA's Commissioner-General Peter Hansen said: "The kind of live
    firing into refugee camps that is so indiscriminate that it makes classroom=

    s
    dangerous for 10-year old children is totally unacceptable. UNRWA will
    protest this violation of the sanctity of its school in the strongest
    possible terms to the Israeli authorities."


    Story about the extrajudicial assassination of a Palestinian at an
    internet café in Jericho. http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2004-09/09/
    content_1962652.htm "A special Israeli undercover unit stormed
    the West Bank city of Jericho Wednesday night and assassinated a
    Palestinian member of Al Aqsa
    martyrs brigades, Palestinian security sources said on Thursday.
    "...Witnesses confirmed that the soldiers opened intensive gunfire
    directly on Abedeia who tried to pull out from the café.

    "Three of the café visitors were wounded by Israeli soldiers
    who opened fire haphazardly in the café, added the witnesses."

    What you can do:
    -Invite MECA to speak to your community group, school, church,
    synagogue, mosque, union, etc.
    -Send a contribution to MECA for emergency medical aid
    Donate online: https://secure.groundspring.org/dn/index.php?aid=1171
    Checks can
    be mailed to:
    901 Parker Street
    Berkeley, CA 94710
    -Email this message to as many people as possible
    -Tell your US senators and congress representatives to stop aid to
    Israel www.congress.org

    Thursday, September 09, 2004
     

    BAUAW NEWSLETTER-THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 2004

    BAUAW MEETING TONIGHT
    THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 9. 7 PM
    1380 VALENCIA STREET

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    1) FW: Press conference and vigil
    From: Howard Wallace

    Wed, 8 Sep 2004

    2) For 1,000 Troops, There Is No Going Home
    By MONICA DAVEY
    September 9, 2004
    http://www.nytimes.com/2004/09/09/national/09deaths.html?hp

    3) U.S. Forces on Offensive in Iraq Rebel Strongholds
    By Luke Baker
    BAGHDAD (Reuters)
    Thu Sep 9, 2004 09:28 AM ET
    http://www.reuters.com/
    newsArticle.jhtml?type=topNews&storyID=6193417&src=eDialog/
    GetContent§ion=news

    4) Israel Kills 4, Including 9-Year-Old, in Gaza
    By Nidal al-Mughrabi
    JABALYA, Gaza Strip (Reuters)
    Thu Sep 9, 2004 09:43 AM ET
    http://www.reuters.com/
    newsArticle.jhtml?type=topNews&storyID=6193616&src=eDialog/
    GetContent§ion=news

    5) Family 'Thanks' Bush for Death of Son
    WKYC-TV
    Wednesday 08 September 2004
    http://www.truthout.org/docs_04/091004Z.shtml

    6) USA: Chevron donates to Schwarzenegger, gets removal of
    restrictions on oil refineries in California
    by Tom Chorneau , Associated Press
    Friday, September 03, 2004 - SACRAMENTO
    http://www.corpwatch.org/article.php?id=11519

    7) The Beslan hostage tragedy:
    the lies of the Putin government and its media
    By Vladimir Volkov
    8 September 2004
    http://www.wsws.org/articles/2004/sep2004/puti-s08.shtml

    8) Protests Powered by Cellphone
    By PATRICK DI JUSTO
    September 9, 2004
    http://www.nytimes.com/2004/09/09/technology/circuits/09mobb.html

    9) Ex-Banking Star Given 18 Months for Obstruction
    By ANDREW ROSS SORKIN
    September 9, 2004
    http://www.nytimes.com/2004/09/09/business/09star.html

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    1) FW: Press conference and vigil
    From: Howard Wallace

    Wed, 8 Sep 2004

    Dear Friends,

    Please help us spread the word about the vigil below to
    commemorate the over 1,000 US soldiers who died in Iraq. If any of you
    or someone from your organizations would like to speak, please do so.

    Thanks so much,
    Medea Benjamin
    Code Pink and Global Exchange

    URGENT CALL TO ACTION:
    JOIN US AT A VIGIL FOR THE 1,000 U.S. SOLDIERS AND TENS OF
    THOUSANDS IRAQIS KILLED IN IRAQ

    THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 5-7PM at UN PLAZA (Market St
    between 7th and Hyde), San Francisco
    For more information: Nancy Mancias, Code Pink,
    415-342-6409 or foonan@jps.net

    Over 1,000 young Americans have now died in Iraq, over
    7,000 are maimed, and many thousands of Iraqis have died.
    The President won't mourn our dead, but we will. Please
    join Code Pink, Bring Our Troops Home Now Committee,
    Mother Speak, United for Peace and Justice, Veterans For
    Peace, Not in Our Name, and Global Exchange to say: Enough
    to Endless War and Suffering, Bring Them Home NOW.

    There will be dozens such vigils happening all over the
    country, where we will remember the 1,000 US servicemen
    and women who have died in Iraq. We will remember the tens
    of thousands of Iraqis--civilians and combatants, men and
    women, children, the elderly--who have been killed. We
    will remember that these deaths did not have to happen.

    We know that the current administration has plunged us
    into this unjust and unjustifiable war, driven by greed
    for oil and lust for power and fueled by lie after lie.

    We cannot remain silent. We want an end to the occupation
    so the Iraqi people can determine their own destiny free
    from foreign interference and control.

    We want our troops brought home now. Don't ask these men
    and women to continue to die for politicians' mistakes and
    lies. And we want them treated right when they return.
    Give them the benefits there were promised and give them
    the help they will need to heal their bodies, their minds
    and their spirits.

    We are here to remember, to honor and to mourn. We will
    not forget!


    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    2) For 1,000 Troops, There Is No Going Home
    By MONICA DAVEY
    September 9, 2004
    http://www.nytimes.com/2004/09/09/national/09deaths.html?hp

    Dixie Codner had a question for the marines who came down her gravel
    road, past the rows of corn and alfalfa, to tell her that her 19-year-old
    son, Kyle, had been killed in Iraq. Should she bring them the dress blues, =


    still pressed and hanging neatly in his closet, for his funeral?

    No need, she recalled them answering. They had dress uniforms from
    all the services, all sizes, waiting back at Dover Air Force Base in Delawa=

    re,
    where the bodies of American service members come home.

    "What does that say?" Ms. Codner asked, as she sat at her kitchen table
    in Shelton, Neb., on a recent morning, fingering a thick stack of photograp=

    hs
    that her son had sent from the desert. "How many more are they expecting?
    All I know is that there are 1,000 families that feel just like we do. We g=

    o
    to bed at night, and we don't have our children."

    Like Lance Cpl. Kyle W. Codner, each of the more than 1,000 marines and
    soldiers, sailors and airmen killed since the United States sent troops
    to invade Iraq leaves behind a grieving family, a story, a unique memory
    of duty and sacrifice in what has become the deadliest war for Americans
    since Vietnam.

    But along with so much personal loss, the roster of the dead tells a
    larger story, a portrait of a society and a military in transition, with
    ever-widening roles and costs for the country's part-time soldiers,
    women and Hispanics.

    As has often been true in the United States' wars, small towns like
    Shelton and other rural areas suffered a disproportionate share of
    deaths compared with the nation's big cities. More than 100 service
    members who died were from California, the most for any state, but
    the smaller, less-populated states, many in the nation's middle - the
    Dakotas, Wyoming and Nebraska - recorded some of the biggest per
    capita losses.

    In these mostly Republican-leaning states, people have begun to
    take painful note of the toll in Iraq. Many of the families of the dead
    there said they remained supportive of the war, the troops and the
    president. Still, with the death toll reaching 1,000 just two months
    before the presidential election, the somber milestone captured a
    central spot in the national political debate this week.

    More than 70 percent of the dead were soldiers in the Army, and
    more than 20 percent were marines. More than half were in the
    lowest-paid enlisted ranks. About 12 percent were officers. Three-
    quarters of the troops died in hostile incidents: most often,
    homemade-bomb explosions, small-arms fire, rocket attacks.
    A quarter died in illnesses or accidents: truck and helicopter
    crashes and gun discharges.

    On average, the service members who died were about 26. The
    youngest was 18; the oldest, 59. About half were married, according
    to the death roll, which does not include a handful yet to be identified
    by the Defense Department and three civilians who worked for the
    military.

    Part-time soldiers, the guardsmen and reservists who once expected
    to tend to floods and hurricanes, were called to Iraq on a scale not
    seen through five decades of war. Increasingly, Iraq is becoming their
    conflict, and in growing numbers this spring and early summer, these
    part-time soldiers died there. Ten times as many of them died from
    April to July of this year as had in the war's first two months.

    American women, too, have quietly drawn closer to combat than they
    had in half a century. At least 24 female service members died in Iraq,
    more than in any American conflict since World War II, a stark sign of
    a barrier broken.

    Many Hispanics, once underrepresented in the armed forces, have
    fought and died in striking numbers. At least 122 Hispanics have
    died in Iraq, meaning that they died at a rate disproportionately high
    for their representation in the active forces and among the deployed
    troops. Among the dead were 39 service members who were not
    American citizens, significantly more than had died in Vietnam or
    Afghanistan, according to Defense Department records.

    Most of the troops - 85 percent - died after President Bush declared
    major combat operations over on May 1, 2003. Nearly 15 percent
    died after the United States turned over sovereignty to Iraq's new
    leaders this June. The deadliest month was this April, as insurgents
    stepped up their attacks. Nearly as many American troops died that
    month as had in the initial invasion.

    The Pentagon says it does not track or release estimates of the
    number of Iraqis killed since the war began, although some independent
    groups have offered widely varying estimates. (A group called Iraq
    Body Count said Iraqi civilian deaths exceeded 11,000.)

    Among Americans, especially the relatives of service members who
    have died, the meaning of the toll is already a matter of feverish,
    sometimes bitter, debate.

    Some say they view the number of deaths - and the injuries to more
    than 7,000 other Americans - as a tragic but unavoidable price of war,
    and one that seems modest beside the death toll from Vietnam, which
    was 58,000. About 380 troops died in the Persian Gulf war of 1991,
    and some 97 in Afghanistan. Any questions about the mounting
    numbers in Iraq, these relatives said, served as a rejection of the
    troops' mission, an insult to their lost soldier's work.

    "The loss is there, of course, but we also know the honor and the
    pride," said Kelby McCrae, himself a captain in the National Guard
    and the son of a veteran soldier. His younger brother, Erik, was
    killed in June. "We're just so honored at the sacrifice he gave."

    But others said they worried that their soldier's sacrifice in Iraq
    might be forgotten as more months pass and people grow inured
    to news of so many deaths, one after the next in this war.

    The Guard and the Reserves: 'Weekend Warriors' Go Full Time

    Eric S. McKinley was a baker and a part-time soldier. He dyed his
    hair strange colors and pierced his body in places his mother
    sometimes wished he had not. His six-year stint in the Oregon
    National Guard was supposed to end in April, but it was extended,
    and Specialist McKinley died June 13 when a bomb blew up near
    his Humvee near Baghdad. Specialist McKinley's father, Tom, said
    he was left with a haunting conviction: that guardsmen and
    reservists are now being asked in record numbers to fight the
    same lethal wars as full-time soldiers, but without the same
    level of training, equipment or respect. Dozens of parents and
    spouses of guardsmen - some who died and others still serving
    in Iraq - said they shared Mr. McKinley's worries as they wrestled
    with what the role of the nation's 1.2 million part-time service
    members once was and what it was becoming.

    "They are not prepared for this, not emotionally and not with
    their gear and equipment," said Mr. McKinley, of Salem, Ore.
    "There's this opinion that these guys are just 'weekend warriors,'
    and we'll have them do all the things the regular army doesn't
    have time to do. But these guys are being asked to put their lives
    on the line just as much as everyone else. These guys are yanked
    from their lives, and yet they aren't treated the same."

    During special training at a base in Texas before he left for Iraq,
    Specialist McKinley told his father that his Guard unit was getting
    only two meals a day, while regular units ate three. And in Iraq,
    on the day of his death, Specialist McKinley's fellow guardsmen
    said he was in a Humvee reinforced with plywood and sandbags,
    not real armor.

    Cecil Green, a spokesman at Fort Hood where Specialist McKinley's
    unit trained before it left for Iraq, said all soldiers - regular and
    part time - were fed equally. But Col. Mike Caldwell, deputy director
    of the Oregon National Guard, said his troops had complained about
    unequal conditions during training there in months past. "There
    were a lot of problems in their treatment," Colonel Caldwell said.
    "It was deplorable. They were treated like slaves in some respects."

    Thomas F. Hall, the assistant secretary of defense for reserve affairs,
    acknowledged in a telephone interview last week that since the
    terrorist attacks of 2001, the nation's reserve components had been
    called in numbers unknown since perhaps World War II. But those
    part-timers sent to Iraq are trained and equipped to the same level
    as any active-duty troops, Mr. Hall said.

    "It's no longer your father or your grandfather's Guard and Reserves,"
    Mr. Hall said. "A lot of this is a leftover vestige from a time in which
    we didn't perhaps equip and train our Guard and Reserve as we need to."

    Any shortages of equipment - of armored Humvees or protective gear -
    have been faced by all types of troops, not just guardsmen, he said.
    And Mr. Hall insisted that no one, not even him, could distinguish
    between part--s and others when it came to Iraq. "They look the
    same. Their standards are the same. Their training is the same,"
    he said.

    Recently home from Iraq with an injury, Specialist Andrew Cross,
    a member of the North Carolina National Guard, said the only
    difference he discerned was a little taunting. "Sure, they say stuff
    about you not being full time,'' Specialist Cross said, "but who
    cares what they say."

    Specialist Cross's best friend, Specialist Daniel A. Desens, who
    listened to Bob Marley and Dave Matthews with him as they rolled
    along in their Bradleys in Iraq, was one of at least 179 guardsmen
    and reservists killed there, the records of those identified as of
    yesterday show.

    Their deaths make up less than a fifth of those killed, but the timing
    of their deaths underscores the changing makeup of American forces
    in Iraq. In the first weeks of war, only a small group of reserve forces
    was sent to Iraq, and only a few died. The numbers grew swiftly this
    year, and reserves and guards now amount to about 40 percent of
    the forces deployed to Iraq, and maybe still more soon.

    Back in Oregon, Colonel Caldwell said leaders were busy arranging
    more deployments for some of the state's 8,400 Army and Air
    National Guard troops in the coming weeks, even as gloom lingered
    over the headquarters. Four Oregon guardsmen, including Specialist
    McKinley, died in a 10-day stretch.

    Nationally, Mr. Hall said, recruiters may fall 1 percent short of their
    goals for new Guard members when the annual count is taken at the
    end of September. In Oregon, Colonel Caldwell predicted direr
    shortfalls: 10 percent to 15 percent.

    "I think it's pretty obvious what's happening," he said. "People
    have realized: you join the Guard in Oregon, you're going to be
    mobilized."

    The Women: Dying, in a Role Quietly Redefined

    Before she left her home in Richmond, Va., Leslie D. Jackson's
    Junior R.O.T.C. instructor warned her that although women might
    not officially be on the very front line of a ground war, they were
    edging ever closer - and the line itself, if ever there was one in Iraq,
    had grown dangerously blurry.

    "I told her that even combat support roles could still take you places
    that maybe you should not be," said Master Sgt. Earl G. Winston Jr.,
    who taught Private Jackson at George Wythe High School. "But she said
    she was ready to accept the challenge. She said she did not want her
    fellow soldiers, most of them men, to think that she wasn't every bit
    as good as them."

    Private Jackson, who had talked her reluctant mother into letting her
    sign up for the Army when she was 17, died on May 20 in Baghdad.
    The truck she was transporting supplies in hit a roadside bomb. She
    had finished basic training eight months before, and had turned 18,
    making her the youngest of 24 women who have died in Iraq.

    Not long before, she had sent an e-mail message to her former
    principal, Earl Pappy, to say that she was spending long hours
    driving trucks and had been unnerved at seeing a soldier killed for
    the first time right before her: " 'I left home as Mommy's little girl,' ''=


    Mr. Pappy said she wrote, " 'and I'm coming back as a strong woman.'

    "She told me she wouldn't be in combat, and I don't think women
    should be," said Viola Jackson, Private Jackson's mother. "But then
    again, they joined the Army, and I guess you've got to do whatever
    the other people are doing. I don't know. What I know is she was a
    sweet child."

    Women make up some 10 percent of American forces in Iraq and
    Afghanistan, but they account for less than 3 percent of the 1,000
    deaths in Iraq. Still, more women have died there than in any conflict
    since hundreds died in World War II - a certain if somber sign of how
    women's roles in the military have grown in the last decade.

    More surprising, though, to advocates on both sides of a long-
    simmering debate over what women should and should not do
    in times of war has been the public's reaction to the loss of 24
    women. Mostly, there has been silence.

    "What it means is that our view of women has changed," said Lory
    Manning, director of the Women in the Military Project at the
    Women's Research and Education Institute in Washington and a
    retired 25-year veteran of the Navy.

    "Within our minds, women are doing a lot of athletic things. They're
    SWAT team members and firefighters now. This is worldwide. So
    people see this as less horrible. The horror of death is equal now."

    But others, like Elaine Donnelly, president of the Center for Military
    Readiness, an independent public policy group in Livonia, Mich.,
    said Americans were largely oblivious to the role women were playing
    in Iraq and would be disturbed if they knew. Female soldiers who die
    receive little attention, she said, except in small hometown newspapers;
    the same is true of the 207 women who have been injured in Iraq.

    Shortly after the war began, there were hints of the nation's discomfort
    when three female soldiers, including Pfc. Jessica Lynch and Specialist
    Shoshana Johnson, were taken hostage, and one of them, Pfc. Lori Ann
    Piestewa, was killed, Ms. Donnelly said. In images broadcast around
    the world, Specialist Johnson looked terrified, her eyes darting.

    "The risk of capture is why we oppose women in combat," said Ms.
    Donnelly, who wants the Pentagon to reconsider the jobs close to
    combat that women now hold. "We're a civilized nation. Violence
    against women is wrong. I hope that we don't become that kind of
    a nation that doesn't care about this sort of thing."

    Eight women died in Vietnam. Sixteen died in the first Persian Gulf
    war. Three died in Afghanistan. And through most of that time,
    people have argued over what place women should take in war.

    Women have served in the American military since 1901, and others
    quietly did unofficial military work as early as the Revolutionary War.
    But in 1948, Congress adopted the Armed Forces Integration Act,
    which capped women at 2 percent of the services and barred them
    from serving on combat planes and combat ships.

    After Vietnam, and the end of the draft, the restrictions on women
    began to fade, one by one. By 1994, women were allowed to fly
    combat aircraft, to serve on fighter ships but not submarines, and
    to fill ground jobs except those most directly on the front lines:
    special forces, infantry, armor, artillery. But in Iraq, the jobs that
    women could fill - as drivers in convoys bringing supplies to troops
    and as members of military police units - came under attack from
    homemade bombs and mortar fire, too, and the notion of a front
    line seemed no longer to fit the conflict.

    Nearly all of the women killed were full-time soldiers in the Army.
    And two-thirds of them died in hostile situations, not in accidents
    or because of illness.

    Even Ms. Manning, who supports bigger roles for women in the
    military, said she was surprised at the degree to which women
    had been included in critical operations, including patrolling
    checkpoints. In part, their role may have been a necessary
    outgrowth of cultural differences in Iraq. Female soldiers were
    needed when Iraqi women were searched or questioned.

    Still, Ms. Donnelly and other critics say, the scars from so much
    change are being ignored: What will come of the children, they
    asked, who lose their mothers to war?

    Sgt. Tatjana Reed, a single mother, was killed on July 22 when a
    bomb exploded near her convoy vehicle. She had signed papers
    leaving her 10-year-old daughter, Genevieve, in the care of relatives
    near her base in Germany, expecting the arrangement to be
    temporary.

    Sergeant Reed "always said, 'What a man can do, I can do,' ''
    recalled her mother, Brigitte Dykty, who lives in Clarksville, Tenn.
    "Sometimes I wish she hadn't thought that."

    The Hispanics: Underrepresented, Except on Death Rolls

    Five years ago, the National Council of La Raza, an advocacy group
    for Hispanics, released a scathing study of Hispanics in the United
    States military. The central finding was that the military was not
    employing as many Hispanics as it should.

    In 1996, the study said, Hispanics 18 to 44 made up more than
    11 percent of the civilian work force but accounted for less than 7
    percent of the military's active forces.

    The military took notice, and the Marines, in particular, began a
    serious recruiting effort aimed at Spanish-speaking markets, said
    Lisa Navarrete, vice president of the advocacy group.

    "They took it very, very seriously," Ms. Navarrete said.

    By 2004, Latinos accounted for 9.2 percent of all active-duty
    forces and about 10 percent of those forces deployed to Iraq
    nd Afghanistan.

    That news came with a distinctly bittersweet edge. Of the 1,000
    killed in Iraq, at least 122, or more than 12 percent, were Hispanic,
    according to the Defense Department, which says ethnicity was not
    tracked by the same measures in previous wars.

    "It seems that in a time of peace, we're underrepresented,"
    Ms. Navarrete said quietly. "In a time of war, the situation is
    completely changed."

    One reason for the high rate of Hispanic deaths in Iraq is that Hispanics =


    account for a particularly large segment - more than 13 percent - of
    the Marines, the ground troops who suffered significant losses early
    in the war, as well as in the uprisings of recent weeks.

    Some of those who died fighting for the United States were not even
    citizens. At least 39 noncitizens - many, though not all, of Hispanic
    heritage - were among the dead. Legal residents of this country have
    long served in the armed forces, but records of their deaths in war
    are hard to find. The official Defense Department records show that
    one noncitizen died in military duty in Vietnam and three in
    Afghanistan.

    In 2002, Mr. Bush issued an order shortening the waiting periods
    for service members and their families seeking citizenship, and
    Congress made those changes permanent with a law that takes
    effect in October. Some anti-immigration advocates said that
    military service alone was not a qualification for citizenship, while
    others worried that the changes might induce some immigrants
    to enlist in hopes of speedy citizenship.

    "But the bottom line, whatever the casualties, is that people are
    going to continue to join because they have to," said Rodolfo Acuna,
    a professor of Chicano studies at California State University,
    Northridge. "They want to live better. They want to get money.
    They want to better themselves."

    Rey David Cuervo was born in Tampico, Mexico, but his mother,
    Rosalba Kuhn, took him to Texas when he was 6. She was a maid
    in Port Isabel. He was an only boy among three sisters, the quiet
    one with just a handful of friends.

    At age 8, she said, he went to her carrying a picture of the
    American flag and explained that he planned to join the American
    Army. "He said that this is all he wanted," she recalled not long ago.
    "He said if they wouldn't take him in the Army here, then he'd go back
    to Mexico and sign up there."

    In 1999, he left for basic training.

    "I was so proud," Ms. Kuhn said. "When I came here, my dreams
    were that I would see my kids here, see them learn the language,
    see them get a better life for themselves. Part of that was wanting
    to see my son in an American uniform."

    Ms. Kuhn said she thinks of her son every day when she wakes up.
    She lights candles for him. She holds a hat of his under her nose
    and breathes it in. In the sadness, though, Ms. Kuhn said she had
    no anger. Her son wanted to go into the Army. He wanted to go to
    Iraq. He chose his future.

    Private Cuervo, who once told his mother that he planned to retire
    from the military after 20 years and then buy a big house, died on
    Dec. 28, 2003, when a bomb exploded. He was 24, one of 32,000
    noncitizens in the armed forces. The government granted him
    citizenship after he died.

    The Small Towns: When the Population Is Reduced by One

    There are no sidewalks along the quiet streets of Shelton, Neb.,
    but there is red-white-and-blue bunting, a little faded now, and
    tattered black ribbon tied to the street posts. Not that anyone
    here needs to be reminded about Kyle Codner.

    The nation's small towns experienced more than their share of
    death in Iraq, a clear reflection of their representation in the
    nation's military services. Not only did death arrive in
    disproportionate numbers in these towns, but each death
    seemed to echo louder and longer than it might have in a big city.

    One resident here compared Corporal Codner's death on May 26
    to a tornado whipping up in the Midwest and zeroing in on this
    town of 1,100 people.

    "The word 'shock' is overused, generally," said Lynn McBride, the
    chairman of Shelton's village trustees and a schoolteacher. "But it
    understates the feelings about this. We're all in it together here,
    and there was a feeling that this couldn't be true."

    To Shelton, Corporal Codner was the son of Dixie and Wain Codner.
    He was one of 19 graduates of Shelton High in 2003, and one of two
    to go off to the military. He was the basketball player with the blond
    girlfriend, each of them usually on the king and queen court. He was
    the clerk at J. R.'s Mini Mart. He was the kid who got his photograph
    taken in front of the old military tank that sits at the town's entrance,
    and the student named in the yearbook as "Most Likely to Kick Some
    Terrorist Butt."

    Nebraska and a long list of states in the country's middle and South
    had some of the highest death rates per capita. Many of these states
    are considered Republican strongholds. Vermont, a Democratic-leaning
    state in the presidential race, had the most deaths per capita. Among
    swing states in the presidential race, Oregon, Maine and Iowa had
    heavy losses.

    No one can be sure what role the deaths in Iraq will play in this election =


    season. Nebraska has been more reliably Republican through five
    decades of presidential races than any other state. Still, Democrats
    in Nebraska say the war and the death toll of 14 is stirring political
    discussion.

    "The Republican voting bloc is persuadable here, especially when
    you're talking about sending your sons and daughters to war," said
    Barry R. Rubin, executive director of the Nebraska Democratic Party.
    "One thing about Nebraska is we are very independent-minded people,
    and people are seriously questioning the merits of this war."

    But along the streets of Shelton last weekend, most people said they
    backed the war, and would probably vote for Mr. Bush. Among them
    was Corporal Codner's best friend from childhood, Matthew S. Walter,
    19 and preparing to vote in his first presidential election. "I don't think=


    I like what John Kerry has to say,'' Mr. Walter said.

    Most people interviewed said they did not see Corporal Codner's
    death through the prism of politics.

    "I sense no bitterness or contrition whatsoever about Kyle,''
    Mr. McBride said. "I've never heard any of that. I think the overall
    feeling is that we're grateful he died the way he did - serving his
    country."

    About eight miles away, back at Ms. Codner's kitchen table, the
    Codners said they would vote against President Bush, one of the
    many people Ms. Codner describes as "someone without skin in
    the game."

    She and her husband go to sleep thinking of the boy in the circle
    of class pictures on their living room wall, she said, and then they
    wake up thinking of him. In the moments when other thoughts
    crowd out those memories, Ms. Codner said, something always
    brings him back. On Friday, it was the mail. Four packages that
    had been sent to her son in Iraq were returned to her, unopened.
    A yellow form on the front of the boxes gave a curt explanation
    in the form of a checked box: "Deceased."

    The Codners tried to discourage their son from joining the Marines
    during his senior year in high school, but when he complained that
    they were not being supportive, they tried to go along.

    Wain Codner said the town's embrace helped his family the first
    weeks after his son's death. "The support was incredible," he said.
    "But then, people go on with their lives."

    A few days before Corporal Codner died, he sent home a roll of
    film. His family developed it, then waited, hoping he would call,
    so he could tell them exactly what they were seeing.

    The mysterious stack of pictures still sits on the kitchen table. One
    shows Corporal Codner, with a wide smile, beside an Iraqi child.
    In another, a thick automatic weapon dangles around his neck,
    seeming to dwarf his slim frame. Another shows just a sleeping
    bag and pad, arranged carefully on a concrete block. This is
    probably where he slept, his parents surmise, but they will
    never be sure.

    Tom Torok and the research staff of The New York Times
    contributed to this report.

    Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    3) U.S. Forces on Offensive in Iraq Rebel Strongholds
    By Luke Baker
    BAGHDAD (Reuters)
    Thu Sep 9, 2004 09:28 AM ET
    http://www.reuters.com/
    newsArticle.jhtml?type=topNews&storyID=6193417&src=eDialog/
    GetContent§ion=news

    BAGHDAD (Reuters) - U.S.-led forces launched operations in
    three Iraqi rebel strongholds on Thursday, killing nearly two
    dozen insurgents in a town near the Syrian border and bombing
    targets in Falluja for the third straight day.

    Fierce fighting around the town of Tal Afar, a suspected
    haven for foreign fighters about 100 km (60 miles) east of the
    Syrian border in northern Iraq, left 22 insurgents dead and
    more than 70 wounded, a local government health official said.

    "The situation is critical," Rabee Yassin, general manager
    for health in Nineveh province, told Reuters. "Ambulances and
    medical supplies cannot get to Tal Afar because of the ongoing
    military operations."

    There were no immediate reports of any U.S. or Iraqi
    government casualties in the fighting which local government
    sources said had killed 57 since Saturday.

    U.S. forces said the assault was in response to provocation
    after they and Iraqi security forces "were repeatedly attacked
    by a large terrorist element that has displaced local Iraqi
    security forces throughout recent weeks."

    "These attacks by terrorist groups included
    rocket-propelled grenades, small arms fire, mortars and
    roadside bombs, and resulted in civilian casualties," the
    military said.

    Further south, U.S. warplanes bombed rebel-held Falluja for
    a third successive night. The U.S. military said the assault
    was part of a "precision strike" on an operating base for Abu
    Musab al-Zarqawi, a Jordanian militant Washington says is
    allied to Osama bin Laden's al Qaeda network.

    "The target was a building frequently used by terrorists at
    the time of the strike. Three Zarqawi associates were reported
    to be in the area, no other individuals were present at the
    time of the strike," the statement said.

    DOCTORS SAY CHILDREN KILLED

    But doctors in Falluja said at least eight people were
    killed. Doctor Rafi Hayad said four of them were children and
    two women. Iraq's Health Ministry said at least 16 people had
    been killed in fighting in Falluja in the past 24 hours.

    Reuters Television pictures showed several bloodied and
    heavily bandaged children being treated in a Falluja hospital.

    The United States blames Zarqawi for masterminding a series
    of suicide bomb attacks and the killing of several hostages. It
    has offered a $25 million reward for his capture.

    A statement posted on an Islamic Web Site and claiming to
    come from Zarqawi's group said four of his militants had been
    killed in the U.S. bombardment of Falluja earlier this week.

    The past few days have seen a surge in attacks and clashes
    in Iraq that pushed the official Pentagon U.S. death toll for
    the war to above 1,000. The Pentagon has admitted that U.S. and
    Iraqi forces are not in control of strongholds of the
    insurgency like Falluja, Ramadi and Samarra.

    U.S. forces entered Samarra on Thursday for the first time
    in weeks to try to reestablish Iraqi government control there.

    A military statement said the troops went in to install a
    temporary mayor and police chief, set up a local council and
    assess police stations. There were no reports of clashes.

    NO WORD ON HOSTAGES

    Besides trying to contain the insurgency, Iraq's government
    is also grappling with a hostage crisis.

    In one of the most brazen abductions so far, two Italian
    women aid workers and two Iraqi colleagues were snatched from
    their office in central Baghdad in broad daylight on Tuesday.
    No word has yet emerged from their captors.

    Since April, people from more than two dozen countries have
    been kidnapped as guerrillas have tried to force foreign troops
    and firms to leave. More than 20 foreign hostages have been
    killed, including two Italians.

    The latest kidnappings has piled more pressure on Italian
    Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi. Most Italian voters strongly
    oppose Italy's role in Iraq, where it has sent 2,700 soldiers.

    Foreign Ministry Undersecretary Margherita Boniver flew to
    the Middle East on Thursday to seek help in securing the
    women's release.

    The abductions are likely to fuel uncertainty over the fate
    of two French journalists, Christian Chesnot and Georges
    Malbrunot, who have been held since Aug. 20 despite intense
    diplomatic efforts to free them.

    The seizure of the aid workers is also likely to trigger an
    exodus of the 50 or so remaining foreign humanitarian workers
    in Iraq.

    (c) Copyright Reuters 2004.

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    4) Israel Kills 4, Including 9-Year-Old, in Gaza
    By Nidal al-Mughrabi
    JABALYA, Gaza Strip (Reuters)
    Thu Sep 9, 2004 09:43 AM ET
    http://www.reuters.com/
    newsArticle.jhtml?type=topNews&storyID=6193616&src=eDialog/
    GetContent§ion=news

    JABALYA, Gaza Strip (Reuters) - Israeli forces thrust into
    Gaza's largest refugee camp on Thursday, killing four
    Palestinians including a 9-year-old boy, as the army tightened
    its grip on the northern part of the coastal strip.

    Scores of gunmen fought a column of tanks and armored
    vehicles as Israeli troops took up positions in and around the
    teeming Jabalya camp, a militant stronghold, in an operation
    the army said was aimed at stopping rocket fire into Israel.

    Helicopter gunships fired missiles into the camp of 100,000
    inhabitants as Israeli forces sealed it off in Israel's biggest
    incursion in the northern Gaza Strip in months.

    Munir el-Deqqes was shot in the chest while playing with
    friends outside his grandfather's house, witnesses said. "How
    can anyone blame children playing in the street?" said the
    boy's uncle. "Munir was a victim of blind Israeli retaliation."

    At least 35 people, including militants and civilians, were
    wounded by Israeli fire, medics said.

    A military source said soldiers had shot only at armed men.
    It was the latest chapter in Israel's military response after
    suicide bombers killed 16 people in southern Israel last week.

    The raid marked a widening of Israel's incursion that began
    on Wednesday when forces swept in and seized control following
    a barrage of makeshift rocket strikes in southern Israel.

    The latest spiral of violence could further complicate
    Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's plan to withdraw troops
    and settlers from the occupied Gaza Strip by the end of 2005.

    Palestinian militants are determined to claim any Israeli
    pullout as a victory, but Israel has vowed to smash them first.

    PALESTINIAN CONDEMNATION

    "We urge the ... civilized world to stop these crimes by
    Israeli occupation forces and call on the United States to
    shoulder its responsibilities toward the peace process,"
    Palestinian Foreign Minister Nabil Shaath said in a statement.

    Israel's army killed 14 Hamas fighters at a Gaza training
    camp on Tuesday in the deadliest strike ever against the
    militant Islamic group, which is sworn to Israel's destruction.

    Hamas, responsible for a double suicide bombing in the
    Israeli city of Beersheba on August 31, vowed revenge for the
    Israeli attacks.

    In the second day of Israel's incursion in northern Gaza,
    the army said its forces had penetrated to the first row of
    houses in eastern Jabalya.

    Israeli commanders have usually been reluctant to send
    forces deep into Jabalya's cramped alleys, where they would be
    vulnerable to booby traps and bombs planted by militants.

    "We won't stay there forever," a senior Israeli official said.
    "But we have to conduct forays just to keep them (the
    rocket crews) off balance."

    Medics said troops shot dead four people in Jabalya,
    including at least one Hamas militant. It was not known if two
    other dead, both men in their 20s, were militants or civilians.

    Israeli forces surrounded Beit Hanoun and Beit Lahiya on
    Wednesday -- towns that have been frequently raided -- and
    bulldozers tore up stretches of road to cut off the area. By
    Thursday, shops were getting low on supplies.

    Despite the two-day-old raid, militants managed to fire
    several primitive Qassam rockets from fenced-in Gaza toward the
    Israeli town of Sderot. There were no reports of casualties.

    In a game of cat-and-mouse, militants in some cases use
    timers so they can escape minutes before the rockets are
    launched, Palestinian sources said.

    The army said soldiers in northern Gaza destroyed three
    welding machines on Thursday used to make the rockets.

    (c) Copyright Reuters 2004.

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    5) Family 'Thanks' Bush for Death of Son
    WKYC-TV
    Wednesday 08 September 2004
    http://www.truthout.org/docs_04/091004Z.shtml

    THOMPSON - In Geauga County, anger and frustration over the
    death of a young soldier inside Iraq has prompted one family to
    send a personal message to President Bush.

    Ken and Betty Landrus have put up a large sign outside their
    home near Thompson, Ohio that is sharply critical of the Bush
    administration.

    The sign reads "Thanks Mr. Bush for the death of our son."

    Their son, Staff Sgt. Sean Landrus was killed near Fallujah in
    January.

    They believe the president misled the country about the
    reasons for invading Iraq and that their son died for nothing.

    "Yes I do feel lied to because they kept saying there's mass
    destruction and nobody's found anything yet," father Ken
    Landrus said.

    Sean Landrus also left behind a wife and three young
    children.

    His youngest daughter, Kennedy, was born just before
    Sean left to serve inside Iraq.

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    6) USA: Chevron donates to Schwarzenegger, gets removal of
    restrictions on oil refineries in California
    by Tom Chorneau , Associated Press
    Friday, September 03, 2004 - SACRAMENTO
    http://www.corpwatch.org/article.php?id=11519

    Friday, September 03, 2004 - SACRAMENTO - Gov. Arnold
    Schwarzenegger's ambitious plan to reorganize almost every
    aspect of state government was influenced significantly by oil
    and gas giant ChevronTexaco Corp., which managed to shape
    such key recommendations as the removal of restrictions on oil
    refineries.

    Many corporations and interest groups participated in the
    governor's reform plan - known as the California Performance
    Review - but state records and interviews with the participants
    show Chevron enjoyed immense success in influencing the report
    through its array of lobbyists, attorneys and trade organizations.

    And few corporations have spent so much political cash on the
    governor, either. Since Schwarzenegger's election last October,
    the San Ramon company has contributed more than $200,000
    to his committees and $500,000 to the California Republican
    Party.

    Chevron, whose officials acknowledge they lobbied hard to get
    their ideas in the report, is one of about 20 companies that paid
    to send the governor and his staff to this week's Republican
    National Convention in New York. On Wednesday, Schwarzenegger
    attended a closed-door meeting in New York with representatives
    of those companies, including Chevron. And just three weeks
    after the governor's office released the 2,700-page reorganization
    report, the company gave $100,000 to a Schwarzenegger-
    controlled political fund.

    Environmental watchdogs and local agencies that regulate some
    of Chevron's operations complain that they had no such access,
    and that their counterproposals appear nowhere in the massive
    report.

    Top reform project

    Disclosure of Chevron's determined role in what many believe is
    the administration's most important political reform effort contrasts
    sharply with statements he made during last year's election campaign
    and afterward in which he promised to sweep out a corrupt system
    where "contributions go in, the favors go out."

    Schwarzenegger launched the reorganization effort in January,
    calling the state bureaucracy a "mastodon frozen in time" that needed
    to be reviewed from top to bottom to eliminate waste and duplication.
    The administration said the recommendations in the report would save
    $32 billion over five years, a claim analysts said is exaggerated.

    Although the governor's senior aides helped organize and oversee the
    reorganization effort, a spokeswoman for Schwarzenegger said the
    review staff, not the governor's office, was responsible for the report.
    Schwarzenegger announced the review in January and then appointed
    its two top members, who then assembled the rest of the staff.

    Ashley Snee, the governor's deputy press secretary, said it was
    premature to assume any of the recommendations will be adopted
    and that those who are unhappy with parts of the report can
    comment at a series of statewide hearings on the proposal.

    Beneficial proposals

    Proposals that would benefit Chevron are peppered throughout the
    four-volume report. They include:

    - Streamlining the permit process for the construction of new oil
    refineries and the expansion of existing ones. Chevron, which owns
    two of the state's largest refineries in Richmond and El Segundo,
    wanted the state's help in revising existing laws so local government
    officials would be required to make decisions more quickly on
    construction permits at refineries.

    - Streamlining the activities of the San Francisco Bay Conservation
    and Development Commission. That agency, which issues permits
    for dredging and sand mining in the Bay Area, oversees activities
    related to Chevron's interests in the Bay Area.

    - Reorganizing the regulatory process for picking the locations
    for refineries, tank farms, liquefied natural gas and other energy
    facilities. Chevron has two proposals to build liquefied natural
    gas (LNG) facilities in Southern California and the Mexican state
    of Baja California.

    But Mark Petracca, a University of California, Irvine political
    scientist, said Chevron's considerable influence on the CPR
    report may taint the whole review because the study was
    presented to the public as an objective and authoritative
    analysis of how to fix state government.

    "This is good old fashioned interest-group politics," Petracca
    said. "Powerful people who have money can hire powerful
    people and use occasions like this report to set the agenda
    for policy beneficial to those interests."

    Under scrutiny

    In response, Snee repeated that the report was independent
    of the governor's office.

    Chevron's operations have drawn steady and critical scrutiny
    from state and federal regulators, including a settlement last
    October of a lawsuit with the U.S. Justice Department that
    required the company to install $275 million in air pollution
    equipment and pay $3.5 million in civil penalties.

    Company officials said they were just doing their jobs through
    their vigorous participation in the CPR process, which included
    meeting with senior aides to the governor.

    "This is what we are here for," said Jack Coffey, Chevron's
    general manager over state government relations, from New
    York where he was attending the Republican convention.

    Chevron learned about the CPR early and "obviously
    understood their agenda," Coffey said, adding that while
    there was direct contact by company lobbyists, most contact
    came through trade groups of which Chevron is a member.
    "We made an effort to feed those trade associations who
    were more active."

    But, Coffey said, Chevron's donations to Schwarzenegger are
    because of his "pro-business agenda" and have nothing to
    do with the CPR report.

    Chevron's concerns

    In an interview, Chevron lobbyist K.C. Bishop said he met with
    Richard Costigan, Schwarzenegger's legislative affairs secretary,
    in April or May, about trouble the company was having with
    routine refinery permits and proposed legislation on the issue.
    At the end of the discussion, Bishop was directed to the CPR
    staff, which he visited a week or so later.

    Neither the meeting with Costigan nor with CPR staff were
    reported in Chevron's quarterly lobbying filings.

    Also acknowledged in the CPR report were Bishop; Mike Barr,
    a lawyer with the San Francisco-based firm Pillsbury Winthrop
    and who represents Chevron; and affiliated lobbyists of the
    Western States Petroleum - Kahl/Pownall Advocates - of which
    Chevron is also a member.

    Meanwhile, the Bay Planning Coalition - a business-oriented
    group of which Chevron is a board member - contacted the
    governor's cabinet secretary over problems its members were
    having with the San Francisco Bay Conservation and
    Development Commission.

    Schwarzenegger's staff sent the coalition's issue to the CPR
    staff, which met with the coalition sometime in April,
    according Ellen Johnck, the coalition's executive director.

    Complaints lodged

    A letter from the coalition outlining the complaints -
    including some lodged by Chevron - was used a primary
    source for the CPR report that concluded BCDC had
    overstepped its authority. Although BCDC officials offered
    significant documentation to rebut the allegations, none
    of the commission's defense was included in the CPR report.

    In its section about making it easier to locate refineries
    or LNG plants, the CPR report cites attorney Mike Carroll
    of the law firm Latham & Watkins as a source. Based in
    the firm's Orange County office, Carroll represents
    Chevron on a variety of regulatory issues, according
    to the firm's Web site.

    Carroll did not return telephone calls for comment
    from the Associated Press.

    Chevron has two LNG proposals - a $650 million facility
    that would be built offshore on an island near Tijuana in
    Baja California; and a second plan that would place a
    facility at Camp Pendleton in Orange County.

    Schwarzenegger is expected to meet with Mexican officials
    in Mexicali later this month. One expected topic of
    discussion is Chevron's LNG proposal.

    FAIR USE NOTICE. This document may contain copyrighted
    material whose use has not been specifically authorized by
    the copyright owner. CorpWatch is making this article available
    in our efforts to advance the understanding of corporate
    accountability, human rights, labor rights, social and
    environmental justice issues. We believe that this constitutes
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    beyond 'fair use,' you must obtain permission from the
    copyright owner.

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    7) The Beslan hostage tragedy:
    the lies of the Putin government and its media
    By Vladimir Volkov
    8 September 2004
    http://www.wsws.org/articles/2004/sep2004/puti-s08.shtml


    The hostage-taking tragedy in the town of Beslan in North Ossetia
    has demonstrated the lengths to which the ruling elite in Russia is
    prepared to go in deceiving its own people. Four days after the hostage
    drama began with terrorists seizing over 1,000 children, parents
    and teachers, elementary facts still remain unclear. The Russian
    government has denied the people the most important and
    elementary right-that of reliable, rapid and extensive information
    on what has taken place.

    From the beginning of the crisis on the morning of September 1
    to its tragic end two days later, leading politicians, representatives
    of the secret police and the major media outlets in Russia conducted
    a deliberate campaign of disinformation regarding the extent
    of the catastrophe and its dreadful consequences.

    Lie number one: the number of hostages

    From the outset, the number of hostages was deliberately
    underestimated. The official figure of 354 hostages was repeated
    by television channels and in the public appearances of
    government representatives up to the point of the storming
    of the school building.

    Early on in the crisis, much higher figures for the hostages
    were provided by newspapers and Internet sources, yet the
    television networks held firm to their original claim. After
    talks September 2 between the hostage takers and the former
    president of Ingushetia, Ruslan Auschev-resulting in the
    release of 26 women and children-the media repeated its
    estimate, even though the real extent of the hostage taking
    could at that stage hardly be concealed.

    Auschev had seen how many people had been incarcerated
    in the gymnasium hall. One of the women released
    September 2 told the press: "There are many hostages,
    very many. I think a thousand." Another woman whose
    two children remained in the school said: "According to
    the list 860 children attend the school. Maybe half of them
    did not come to the school's opening ceremony. Then
    there are the parents. Look around at how many people
    are standing here. Here in the House of Culture there are
    1,000 people and all of them have at least one relative or
    child in the school."

    Similar reports appeared in newspapers and Internet
    magazines. Nevertheless the television channels remained
    stubbornly attached to their original figure.

    Lie number two: the terrorists had posed no demands

    At the outset of the drama, a decision was made at the
    highest political level that under no circumstances would
    information be released concerning the terrorists' demands.
    This was a lesson that the Putin government had drawn
    from the hostage drama at the Moscow Musical Theatre
    "Nordost" in 2002. Relatives of the hostages then held
    captive inside the theatre had demonstrated for an end
    to the Russian war in Chechnya. The demand met with
    widespread popular support, and the Kremlin has had
    great difficulty suppressing this political sentiment.

    This time it was claimed that the terrorists had made no
    demands. A statement calling for an end to the Chechen
    war and the withdrawal of Russian troops made at the
    start of the hostage crisis by an Islamist group was kept
    secret. In addition, the government maintained that all of
    its efforts to make contact with the terrorists had been
    ignored.

    On September 6, the newspaper Novaya Gazeta reported
    that as early as the afternoon of September 1 and not far
    from the school, "Parents of children being held in the
    school had addressed the Russian president in a video.
    They called upon him to fulfill all the demands of the
    terrorists in order to save the lives of the children."

    All the major television and other media outlets kept this
    information secret for a considerable period.

    According to numerous witnesses, the hostage takers made
    no secret about their demands. For example, on September 3,
    Izvestia interviewed a teacher who had been released along
    with her three-year-old daughter. Question: "Did the terrorists
    tell you their demands?" Answer: "They said they had just one
    demand: the withdrawal of Russian troops from Chechnya."

    Lie number three: there were no plans for storming the building

    Immediately after news of the hostage taking broke, leading
    to widespread popular anguish, representatives of the Russian
    government declared that everything would be done to avoid an
    armed assault on the school by security forces. In fact, nothing
    was done to prevent such a storming of the school.

    According to a commentary in the newspaper Izvestia, the
    drama "took the worst possible turn." The government sought
    to hide its own failure by claiming that the storming of the
    building had not been prepared, and even that there were no
    plans for such an action. This claim is contradicted by a series
    of facts and reports by witnesses.

    On September 3, the paper Nezavicimaya Gazeta reported that
    "intelligence forces were preparing to storm the school." The
    paper referred to the fact that on the night of September 1 specially
    equipped military transport planes had landed in North Ossetia.
    The paper also said it was presumed that the anti-terror unit "Alfa"
    had been flown in.

    It is now known that "Alfa" and another anti-terror unit, "Vimpel,"
    played the decisive role in the storming of the building. The very
    fact that, following the unexpected exchange of fire on September 3,
    the terrorists immediately began shooting and set off previously
    installed explosives indicates that they were sure a storming of the
    building would take place.

    Bearing these facts in mind-the demands of the terrorists that were
    never disclosed, the refusal of the government to undertake any
    discussions with the hostage-takers, the scale of the censorship
    of information regarding what was taking place inside the school
    and the positioning of the special forces units in the front line-the
    newspaper Gazeta.ru concluded on September 4: "The storming had
    in fact been prepared and was to have been carried out within the
    next two days. Without water, the children could only have survived
    for three or four days, and then it would have no longer been
    possible to rescue most of the hostages. However, on Friday they
    were forced to take action."

    Lie number four: the number of victims

    Even after the catastrophe had taken place-bombs had gone off
    in the gym, part of which had collapsed-the government and the
    media continued to lie by minimizing the number of casualties.

    The official death toll rose only as the bodies began to be
    counted. According to government sources on Monday morning,
    September 6, 335 dead had been counted. At the same time it
    became clear there existed a list of missing persons totaling 260.
    According to the radio station "Echo Moscow," these victims feature
    neither on the lists of those who have died nor on the list of those
    who have been hospitalized.

    On Saturday, inhabitants of Beslan, who observed coffins with
    victims inside being transported from the burnt out ruins of the
    school, reported t
    hat they had counted a total of between 500 and 600.

    Against this background it is hardly necessary to examine the other
    lies broadcast by the Russian media about the number of terrorists
    involved-which was also minimized-or the course of events that
    was officially reported in wildly varying versions.

    The overall conduct of the Russian media, in particular the major
    television networks, was shameful. While in the West many television
    stations devoted special coverage to the events in North Ossetia,
    often working with Russian cameramen, Russian television refused
    to interrupt its regular programming.

    At one point in the crisis, a correspondent for the Russian
    television channel NTW addressed the camera and bluntly
    declared, "We cannot say what is happening; we cannot
    comment on the actions of those involved in the fighting!"

    It is no wonder that television journalists have been physically
    assaulted by Beslan inhabitants. As the first information emerged
    on the real extent of the casualties, outraged bystanders turned
    on television journalists, lashing out at their cameras and the
    reporters themselves.

    The role played by Russian television, however, only expressed
    the iron-fisted control exerted over the major media outlets by
    Putin's Kremlin, which has brought every television channel under
    either direct or indirect state control. The Russian regime has
    enforced media subservience with intimidation and state gangsterism,
    which is backed by much of Russia's ruling strata of corrupt
    businessmen and ex-Stalinist bureaucrats.

    Putin used the hostage-taking crisis at the Moscow theatre two
    years ago to consolidate this grip over the media, claiming that
    it had abused freedom of the press in its coverage. He demanded
    that the news outlets report nothing that could conceivably aid
    the terrorists, including their statements or demands, analysis
    of the events or coverage of Russian military and police operations.

    This noose is tightening. The editor in chief of Izvestia, Raf Shakirov,
    announced his forced resignation Monday after coming under fire
    from the Kremlin and the newspaper's corporate publishers over
    its coverage of the Beslan events. The paper filled its entire front
    page last Saturday with a photograph of a man carrying a wounded
    child from the besieged school. The newspaper also raised pointed
    questions about the official claim that only 350 people were held
    hostage and published a stinging column denouncing the self-
    censorship by the television channels.

    Meanwhile, a prominent Russian journalist who has reported
    critically on the war in Chechnya was prevented from reaching
    the scene of the latest hostage-taking tragedy under
    circumstances that can only be described as ominous.

    Novaya Gazeta correspondent Anna Politkovskaya fell sick
    after drinking tea during the first leg of her flight to Beslan.
    Rushed to the hospital after landing in Rostov, she was diagnosed
    with acute food poisoning. According to one report, authorities
    had blocked her from boarding her original flight, but the captain
    of another airliner recognized her and invited her aboard.

    The suppression of the media, together with the impotence of
    the Russian parliament-the Duma chose not to meet during the
    crisis, with its leaders affirming that all they could do was issue
    another statement-are hallmarks of the authoritarian state that
    Putin is consolidating in Russia.

    The president's resort to the methods of state censorship, however,
    is a manifestation of the general impotence and political isolation
    of the regime as a whole. Under conditions of historically
    unprecedented social inequality between a thin layer of "new
    Russian" entrepreneurs and masses of impoverished working
    people, democratic forms of rule are not possible.

    While capable of buying off or intimidating his political opponents
    and much of the media, Putin has proven unable to resolve any of
    the deepening crises wracking Russia, from the war in Chechnya
    and other outbreaks of regional separatism, to the generalized
    corruption and breakdown that characterizes the entire state
    apparatus and the economy. All of these crises came together
    to produce the tragedy in Beslan.

    While these failures are behind the drive to control the media,
    the ham-fisted censorship carried out in the latest crisis has
    provoked widespread anger and opposition within the former
    Soviet Union. The "democratic reforms" that were touted as a
    byproduct of the collapse of the USSR and the introduction of
    capitalism have produced instead a media that is in many ways
    reminiscent of the worst of the Stalinist period, based on lies and
    deception and dedicated to the suppression of any news that
    casts the head of state in a bad light.

    Putin has seized upon the atrocity in Beslan to claim even more
    authoritarian power and to reject any suggestion of negotiating an
    end to the brutal war in Chechnya. His transparent aim is to
    emulate Bush in claiming unlimited power to carry out repression
    in the name of a "war on terror."

    While hundreds of thousands turned out at rallies against
    terrorism that were organized with state support on Tuesday,
    the mood of outrage was directed not only at the terrorists, but
    at the government itself.

    The harshest anger was expressed at a rally in the North Ossetian
    capital of Vladikavkaz, about 18 miles north of Beslan. The crowd
    that turned out in the city's central square protested not only
    against terrorism, but the state authorities as well.

    "Today, we will bury our children and tomorrow we will come
    here and throw these devils out of their seats, from the lowest
    director up to ministers and the president," a speaker at the
    rally declared.

    A protest sign raised above the crowd read, "Corrupt authority
    is a source of terrorism."

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    8) Protests Powered by Cellphone
    By PATRICK DI JUSTO
    September 9, 2004
    http://www.nytimes.com/2004/09/09/technology/circuits/09mobb.html

    AS thousands of protesters marched through Manhattan
    during the Republican National Convention last week, some
    were equipped with a wireless tactical communications device
    connected to a distributed information service that provided
    detailed and nearly instantaneous updates about route changes,
    street closures and police actions.

    The communications device was a common cellphone. The
    information service, a collection of open-source, Web-based
    programming scripts running on a Linux server in someone's
    closet, is called TXTMob.

    TXTMob works like an Internet mailing list for cellphones and is
    the brainchild of a young man who goes by the pseudonym John
    Henry. He is a member of the Institute for Applied Autonomy, a
    group of artists, programmers and others who say their mission
    is to develop technologies that serve the social and human need
    for self-determination. (The group was behind iSee, a Web site that
    has maps of surveillance cameras in Lower Manhattan and calculates
    routes for those seeking to avoid them.)

    He conceals his identity as part of an agreement with other members
    of the group and out of concern that he might become the target
    of an effort to force disclosure of TXTMob members' phone numbers,
    which are kept in a database he maintains.

    TXTMob allows people to quickly and easily send text messages
    from one cellphone to a group of other cellphones. This in itself
    is nothing new: other mobile networking systems like
    dodgeball.com and bedno.com already exist.

    To sign up for TXTMob, users enter their cellphone numbers
    into the TXTMob Web site, www.txtmob .com. To thwart spammers,
    the system uses opt-in registration: a machine-generated
    authorization code is sent to each registered number and must
    be re-entered into the Web site to activate the registration.
    TXTMob is designed to carefully maintain members' privacy,
    not surprising given why most are using TXTMob.

    The software was not intended for everyday mobile socializing.
    It was created as a tool political activists could use to organize
    their work, from staff meetings to street protests. Most of the
    people using it are on the left: of the 142 public groups listed on
    the TXTMob site, the largest are dedicated to protesting the Bush
    administration, the Republican Party or the state of the world in
    general.

    When a preliminary version of TXTMob was tested at the Democratic
    National Convention in Boston in July, about 200 people used it to
    organize protesters into spontaneous rallies, to warn them about
    the location of police crackdowns and to direct volunteer medics
    where they were needed, all in real time.

    Based on user feedback afterward, some changes were made -
    primarily beefing up the system to handle a heavier volume of
    messages - to increase its usefulness for what were expected
    to be much larger protests during the Republican National
    Convention.

    TXTMob had its first major New York workout on the evening
    of Aug. 27, during the Critical Mass, a loosely organized bicycle
    ride through Manhattan by anti-Republican protesters. From the
    start of the ride, participants in a TXTMob group called
    comms_dispatch sent a slew of messages alerting one
    another to route changes and warning of traffic snarls.
    As the ride neared its end, comms_dispatch buzzed with
    reports of arrests from Second Avenue to 10th Avenue,
    and around St. Mark's Church in-the-Bowery.

    On Aug. 29, two days after she took part in the Critical Mass
    ride, a woman from San Francisco who identified herself only
    as Josie sat outside St. Mark's and read text messages on her
    cellphone. Describing herself as a "voracious" TXTMob reader,
    she credited the service with helping keep her safe during the ride.

    "It told me where the cops were and where I could rest," she
    said as she thumbed through the TXTMob messages from that
    day's United for Peace and Justice march that were arriving on
    her cellphone at the rate of about one per minute. "It brought
    me here."

    As reports of clashes between the police and protesters appeared
    on her cellphone screen, it became possible to build a mental
    picture of the march: a burning papier mâché dragon outside
    Madison Square Garden, barricades on 34th Street, police officers
    zipping around on scooters, a rally so large that the first marchers
    had finished before the last marchers had started.

    That, to Josie, was TXTMob's most important function. "When I can't
    be at a protest, like now," she said, waving her phone, "it's like I can
    be there, because I can know what's going on directly from the people
    who are there in the streets."

    What might have been TXTMob's greatest moment, the planned flash
    mob at Union Square on Aug. 31, did not work out as planned. That
    afternoon, TXTMob subscribers with cellular service from Sprint or
    T-Mobile stopped receiving messages for nearly four hours, leaving
    them unaware of the first meeting location. When those who did meet
    started marching, the police quickly set up a barricade across 16th
    Street and began arresting the marchers. All told, it took about an
    hour for the event, loosely organized by the A31 Action Coalition,
    to go from promise to debacle:

    18:15:50 Tue., Aug 31: A31 party mtg at SE corner of Union Sq.

    18:37:56 Tue., Aug 31: A31 party look for festive signs.

    19:02:51 Tue., Aug 31: A31 party on B-way at 15th headed north.
    Doing fine.

    19:07:02 Tue., Aug 31: A31 party penned in b/w Irving and 16th.
    More in next message.

    19:15:23 Tue., Aug 31: A31 party disperse immediately.

    What happens to TXTMob after Election Day? The events of last week
    left the Institute for Applied Autonomy convinced that it has a future,
    not just as an activist organizing tool but also as a general mobile
    networking system.

    The Internet Business Chronicle, an online publication, is using
    TXTMob to deliver news updates to readers, and the number of
    party groups is quickly catching up to the number of protest
    groups. The pseudonymous John Henry said he was looking at
    keeping the system going and might even expand it to work with
    cellphones in Europe and Asia. After that, it's anyone's guess.

    "People keep finding their own uses for this thing, and they're
    developing it on the fly," he said. "That's what's really exciting."

    Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    9) Ex-Banking Star Given 18 Months for Obstruction
    By ANDREW ROSS SORKIN
    September 9, 2004
    http://www.nytimes.com/2004/09/09/business/09star.html

    Frank P. Quattrone, the Wall Street banker whose pay and deals
    made him a vivid symbol of the 1990's technology boom, was
    sentenced to 18 months in prison yesterday for obstructing a
    government investigation into the allocation of hot stock offerings.

    Mr. Quattrone, 48, who led the initial offerings of companies like
    Amazon.com and Cisco Systems as a banker at Credit Suisse First
    Boston, is the most prominent Wall Street figure to face prison since
    Michael R. Milken pleaded guilty to six securities charges in 1990.

    Judge Richard Owen of Federal District Court in Manhattan handed
    down a harsher prison sentence than the 10 to 16 months stipulated
    by basic federal guidelines, finding that Mr. Quattrone perjured himself
    when he took the witness stand during his trial and said under oath that
    he had not intended to impede the government's investigation when he
    sent a one-line e-mail message at the heart of the case.

    "It is crystal clear that he was untruthful," Judge Owen said yesterday.

    Mr. Quattrone, who made $120 million in 2000, was perhaps the most
    prominent banker in Silicon Valley during the 1990's, assembling a team
    that brought public many of the biggest names in technology. After that
    success and the bursting of the technology bubble, Mr. Quattrone and
    First Boston came under the microscope of regulators and prosecutors,
    who began investigating whether the bank was soliciting kickbacks from
    preferred investors, later dubbed Friends of Frank, in exchange for access =


    to hot stock offerings.

    While that inquiry did not lead to criminal charges, Mr. Quattrone was
    charged with hampering the investigations when he endorsed a
    colleague's e-mail message in December 2000 urging his staff to
    "clean up those files." Mr. Quattrone's first trial ended in a hung jury,
    but he was convicted at a retrial.

    Judge Owen refused Mr. Quattrone's request to remain free while he
    appealed the case. Mr. Quattrone must surrender to federal prison
    authorities within 50 days. The judge also fined him $90,300 and
    initially asked him to make the payment immediately. "There's $50
    million in the bank," Judge Owen said. "He can't write a check today?"

    He then acquiesced to requests by Mr. Quattrone's lawyers to pay the
    fine within 20 days.

    Mr. Quattrone's sentence, which includes two years of probation, stands
    in stark contrast to the one recently given to Martha Stewart, who was
    also convicted of obstruction of justice. In that case, Judge Miriam
    Goldman Cedarbaum sentenced Ms. Stewart to five months in prison,
    plus five months of home confinement. Ms. Stewart was also allowed
    to remain free pending appeal.

    The Bureau of Prisons had recommended in its presentencing report
    that Mr. Quattrone receive the same sentence as Ms. Stewart.

    Robert G. Morvillo, who is Ms. Stewart's lawyer, said yesterday that
    Mr. Quattrone's sentence was too severe. "Is it a reasonable sentence?"
    Mr. Morvillo asked. "You won't find a defense attorney in town who
    thinks this is reasonable. The idea that Judge Owen jumped the
    sentence just continues the defense bar view that he is overly harsh."

    Judge Owen, an appointee of President Richard M. Nixon, has long
    had a reputation among defense lawyers of favoring prosecutors, and
    the sentencing of Mr. Quattrone capped nearly a year of dueling
    between his lawyers and the judge that often included heated
    exchanges in court.

    At one point yesterday, Mr. Quattrone's trial lawyer, John W. Keker,
    a former prosecutor of Oliver L. North during the Iran-contra trial,
    told the judge he thought he was being strung along while making
    his argument for leniency.

    "If you've made up your mind on this, just tell me," Mr. Keker said. At
    another point, in which Mr. Keker cited the hung jury in the first trial
    and asserted there were grounds for appeal because the case was so
    close, Judge Owen blurted out: "I don't agree with you that this was a
    close case."

    Mr. Quattrone's appeal will be based in large part on several rulings
    Judge Owen made that barred him from introducing evidence that
    may have been helpful to his case.

    The clash continued in court yesterday and spilled into the street after
    the hearing, with Mr. Quattrone's lawyers standing in pelting rain
    accusing Judge Owen of an unfair trial.

    "Cases like this are why we have courts of appeals," said Mark F.
    Pomerantz, a partner at Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison in
    Manhattan who will lead Mr. Quattrone's appeal. "The defense was
    forced to try its case from the inside of a straitjacket."

    "The trial judge kept out critical evidence offered by the defense,"
    said Mr. Pomerantz, who represented Dr. Samuel D. Waksal, the founder
    of ImClone Systems Inc. , who pleaded guilty to insider trading. "And
    although the judge tied the hands of the defense, he gave the
    government free rein to put in irrelevant but prejudicial evidence."

    Before he was sentenced, Mr. Quattrone addressed the judge, saying:
    "I humbly ask that you show mercy and compassion for me and my
    family, for whom any separation from me would be extremely
    detrimental."

    But the judge denied his request, and Mr. Quattrone's legal team
    and friends sitting in court were enraged when Judge Owen then
    appeared to gratuitously make public the medical problems of
    Mr. Quattrone's 15-year-old daughter, Cristina, questioning the
    severity of claims from doctors who submitted records that she
    has a medical disorder. Mr. Quattrone's lawyers had asked that
    the medical records of the family remain sealed.

    Judge Owen also dismissed arguments from Mr. Quattrone's lawyers
    that he should receive a lenient sentence because his wife has a
    chronic illness that makes him the "only functioning adult" in the
    household.

    "There's $50 million of assets out there to take care of
    Mrs. Quattrone and $26 million to take care of Cristina in some
    trust fund," Judge Owen said. Reading from Mrs. Quattrone's
    medical records, Judge Owen added, "It says here she can drive
    under limited conditions."

    Judge Owen's decision to depart from the basic federal guidelines
    and give Mr. Quattrone a tougher sentence raises questions about
    whether it will be upheld. In a case from Washington State in June,
    the Supreme Court ruled that the state's judicial system, which
    allowed judges to increase a convicted defendant's sentence
    beyond the ordinary range for the crime, violated the constitutional
    right to trial by jury. While the ruling only applies to Washington
    State, the decision - Blakely v. Washington - is being watched by
    federal judges nationwide, and many have stuck to the guidelines,
    worried that their sentences will be overturned. The Supreme Court
    has agreed to rule on the constitutionality of the guidelines for
    federal criminal sentences this fall.

    "Given that the Blakely case is still out there, to do an upward
    departure, this is a judge who is thumbing his nose at Blakely,"
    said John J. Fahy, a former federal prosecutor who practices law
    in New Jersey.

    Some defense lawyers contended the sentence might help
    Mr. Quattrone's appeal. "It plays into the defense claim of unfair
    treatment on the part of Judge Owen," said Robert A. Mintz, a
    former federal prosecutor and a partner at McCarter & English.

    Judge Owen agreed to a request from Mr. Quattrone's lawyers
    that he be assigned to Lompoc Federal Prison Camp in California,
    which is a minimum-security prison northwest of Los Angeles
    where Ivan F. Boesky was once an inmate.

    As he left the courthouse, Mr. Quattrone said: "To my family in
    California, Dad is coming home soon, and I love you. And I can
    hold my head high because I know I'm innocent and I never
    intended to obstruct justice."

    Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company

    Wednesday, September 08, 2004
     

    BAUAW NEWSLETTER-WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 2004

    NEXT BAY AREA UNITED AGAINST WAR MEETING:
    TOMORROW, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 7 p.m.
    1380 VALENCIA STREET
    (Between 24th & 25th Streets, S.F.)

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    1) Tomgram: Nick Turse on the new Homeland Security State
    Posted September 5, 2004 at 11:09 am

    2) One Thousand and One
    By William Rivers Pitt
    t r u t h o u t | Perspective
    Wednesday 08 September 2004
    http://www.truthout.org/docs_04/090804A.shtml

    3) CONFRONTING INSURGENTS
    U.S. Conceding Rebels
    Control Regions of Iraq
    By ERIC SCHMITT and STEVEN R. WEISMAN
    WASHINGTON, Sept. 7
    http://www.nytimes.com/2004/09/08/politics/08policy.html?hp

    4) Fight Oppression One Olive at a Time
    Help with the Palestinian Olive Harvest this Fall
    This simple act will help Palestinians resist the occupation
    by insisting on life.

    5) Peace activist held as 'danger to Israel'
    Lawyers question state motives behind detention
    without trial of former woman soldier who befriended
    leading Palestinian militant
    Chris McGreal in Jerusalem
    Tuesday September 7, 2004
    The Guardian

    6) URGENT CALL TO ACTION: ORGANIZE A
    VIGIL ON THURSDAY NIGHT
    FOR THE MORE THAN 1,000 U.S. SOLDIERS AND TENS OF
    THOUSANDS OF IRAQIS KILLED

    7) CENSORED 2005:
    THE TOP 25 CENSORED MEDIA STORIES OF 2003-2004
    http://www.projectcensored.org/publications/2005/index.html

    8) 150 Arrests during Demonstration by
    San Francisco Hotel Workers
    By Frontlines correspondent

    9) Bush & Putin self-fulfilled prophesies:
    Slaughter and Terrorism
    Frontlines Editorial Board
    http://www.sf-frontlines.com/
    modules.php?op=modload&name=News&file=article&sid=828&mode=thread&order
    =0&thold=0

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    1) Tomgram: Nick Turse on the new Homeland Security State
    Posted September 5, 2004 at 11:09 am


    On the third night the Republican Convention was in town, I attended
    a modest demonstration against the imperial broadcast media --
    there's nothing like hundreds of people chanting about breaking
    up media conglomerates while looking at the blank, skyscraping
    faces of darkened, semi-deserted buildings. But who had time to
    look for CNN or Time Warner or Fox News (where the march was
    destined to end) when the most visible -- overwhelming and
    intimidating -- presence on the street was the police. The "march,"
    which you might want to imagine as a serpentine creature heading
    south on New York's Sixth Avenue, had actually been chopped into
    a series of one-block long segments by the New York Police
    Department. Each small segment was penned on its sides by
    moveable wooden barricades and on either end by the wheel-to-
    wheel bikes of a seemingly endless supply of mounted policemen
    backed up by all manner of police vehicles. Though the photographing
    of protestors is an old practice, ! it once had a somewhat surreptitious
    quality to it. Not here (or anywhere else in the city that week) --
    police in uniform were openly videoing the crowd. To "march,"
    that is, actually meant to step from pen to pen, hemmed in
    everywhere, your protest at the mercy of the timing, tactics,
    and desires of the police. It was one of many sobering moments
    that week, a small reminder of what we've already lost, thanks
    to the "war on terror" as it's being played out in our still-in-
    formation Homeland Security State.

    Nick Turse offered a preview of what New York had in store for
    its demonstrators in a piece he did for Tomdispatch some weeks
    before the Republicans arrived. I asked him, in the wake of the
    Convention -- and with his own experiences as a demonstrator
    in mind -- to return to the subject. Tom
    The Rise of the Homeland Security State
    Fortress Big Apple, Revisited
    By Nick Turse

    Prior to the Republican National Convention, I thought I knew
    all about the militarization of Manhattan -- the transformation
    of the island into a "homeland-security state" -- and about New
    York City as the paradigm for the security culture that increasingly
    grips American society. After all, I wrote about it in "Fortress Big
    Apple."
    It turns out I didn't know the half of it. Only after writing that
    piece did I discover that the New York Police Department (NYPD)
    had purchase two experimental sound weapons known as Long
    Range Acoustic Devices (LRADs) which I had once described in
    writing about U.S. experimental weapons research
    in Iraq.
    I had then termed the deployment of an LRAD here during the
    convention "improbable" -- yet there it was out on the very same
    streets I was walking. I also looked out my window and caught
    sight of the ultimate blending! of corporatism and the police-
    state -- the Fuji blimp -- now emblazoned with a second logo:
    "NYPD." This spy-in-the-sky, outfitted with the latest in video-
    surveillance equipment, had been loaned free of charge www.guardian.co.uk/worldlatest/story/0,1280,-4462474,00.html>
    to the police all week long.

    But even finding out about these new high-tech tools of the
    homeland security-state didn't make things clear to me; nor
    did the ever-present roar of helicopter rotors as those of us in
    the streets during the RNC were surveilled from above; or even
    when Brendan Galligan of the NYPD Aviation Unit

    bluntly told a reporter from the local ABC TV affiliate: "I'm
    looking for any kind of crime on the grou[nd]. In this case,
    we're looking for roving mobs of people traveling in unison,
    that might indicate some sort of problem for the ground
    troops." "People traveling in unison" a crime? "Ground troops"?
    I should have fully understood then, but I didn't.

    I didn't quite get it when I saw the stone-faced feds out on the
    streets with those ever-present ear-pieces piping in commands
    from who knows where; nor as I scuttled between concrete
    barricades and metal fences in the area around Madison Square
    Garden while remote cameras tracked my every move; nor when
    a march I was in was flanked by a phalanx of bicycle-riding police;
    nor when a corps of plainclothes cops on scooters trolled the
    streets near Times Square. You would think that I would have
    understood it when the peaceful group of activists I was with were
    pushed off the sidewalk by police in front of us, while the cops in
    back ordered us onto the sidewalk; or when, left with no options,
    we tried to escape by crossing Broadway only to have some of our
    number caught in the NYPD's literal dragnet -- rolls of orange
    plastic netting
    which were repeatedly unfurled all across the city, snagging protesters,
    ! press, legal observers, pedestrians, and bystanders alike. I can't
    understand why I didn't get it when I looked up from watching some
    cops press a man's head to the pavement to see a hoard of police
    on horseback heading down the street ?photo_id=8180547> towards me; or when officers from the
    NYPD's Technical Assistance Response Unit (TARU) filmed me,
    apparently for walking in a park or perhaps for what I might do,
    prompting a young woman to sidle up next to me and whisper
    "they're tailing you" --making me wonder, was the warning sincere
    or could she be with them too?

    I witnessed the fleets of black SUVs with police escorts roar down
    virtually empty city streets near the Madison Square Garden bubble.
    On numerous occasions, I saw flatbed police trucks filled with the
    very interlocking metal barriers that a judge had ruled
    could no
    longer be used to pen in protesters (as the NYPD had been
    doing for about a decade) -- and I saw those metal barricades
    pressed back into action on multiple occasions. I witnessed a
    black van door slide open, revealing tactical-gear clad troops
    of some sort, brandishing automatic rifles. I witnessed cops
    and feds on rooftops with binoculars and cameras trained on
    me and/or my compatriots. I saw cops peering through the
    near-blacked out windows of unmarked cars and noticed the
    NYPD's "radio emergency patrol vehicles"

    wherever protesters seemed to gather.

    I repeatedly walked through gauntlets of blue-uniformed
    cops and white-shirted brass to and from the subway in
    Union Square Park -- where the three guys in jeans and
    untucked button-down shirts (which every so often showed
    the outlines of their guns) graciously smiled one evening as
    I snapped a picture of their undercover activities. Much less
    jolly were the secret service agents, one clad in polo shirt
    and khaki pants, who moved in behind me prompting a legal
    observer at an event to collect my name and contact
    information in case I should be snatched off the street;
    even less jolly was the beefy NYPD officer with no visible
    badge or name tag who made it a point to shove me as I
    attempted to take a picture of an orange-net arrest before
    offering a less-than-convincing "excuse me!" as he strode
    away.

    Police vans with netting over the windows; helmeted riot
    gear-clad cops; NYPD "paddy wagons"; constant sirens;
    cops who shoved at us with their night-sticks
    ; armed park police
    filming with camcorders; radios crackling information to
    uniformed officers outside almost any subway stop, on
    street corners, on subway platforms, and on the trains
    themselves; even those menacing, or sometimes just weary-
    looking, ultimate conscripts of the homeland security army,
    the police attack dogs on street patrol, didn't fully hammer
    home the reality of Fortress Big Apple. What did was the 10'
    by 20' chain-link pen

    with razor wire over the top that I found myself in after being
    arrested for the crime of trying "to change trains," as a
    Washington Post reporter wrote
    ,
    after sitting "silently on a subway train! going uptown" to
    "protest deaths in wars in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere."

    The floors of the pen were covered with a layer of grime

    -- a mix of what might have been oil, grease, battery acid,
    transmission fluid, antifreeze, diesel fuel, and possibly leaded
    gasoline; the pipes overhead gave the appearance of incomplete
    asbestos abatement; the rotting food and old milk cartons behind
    the detention pens helped to further drive it home. Like

    so many others articles_showa.html?article=43307> , I was illegally arrested and
    taken to a makeshift detention center set up by the city especially
    for the protesters. It was the old municipal bus garage which bears
    the name "Marine and Aviation Pier 57" but has now been dubbed
    "Guantanamo on the Hudson."

    Of course, being incarcerated in New York's own Giitmo! (before
    being packed off to central booking and then a cell in the infamous
    "Tombs") rather than in America's "offshore archipelago of injustice"
    --
    Abu Ghraib, the actual Guantanamo, or "Camp Justice" on the Indian
    Ocean island of Diego Garcia, to name but a few -- means I fared
    infinitely better than most victims of America's security culture run
    amok. Still, the visible abrasions on my wrists from the plastic cuffs
    (fastened so purposefully tight) that restricted the blood flow to my
    hands while I was in transit to jail aboard a corrections bus, or the
    tears of the woman in a cage on the same bus suffering from also
    too-tight hand restraints
    (which left the cops in a joking mood), do show the bare traces of
    the Abu Ghraib mentality alive in America's security forces, at home
    as well as abroad.

    Of course, in communities of color and poor neighborhoods, such
    tactics, and worse, are old hat -- as my cell-mates behind the
    arraignment courtroom were quick to point out. But now the NYPD
    is field-testing new tactics and tools to use against us all. Perhaps
    most distressing, they've established a precedent and the tacit acceptance
    of the public as well. Most New Yorkers either left town or failed to
    vigorously protest the chilling effect of the growth of the homeland-
    security complex.

    I heard first hand of seemingly baseless preemptive arrests and
    intimidation by federal agents -- an activist en route to work grabbed
    off the street by the feds; another apparently tailed by a black SUV
    and shadowed by plainclothes agents. The question is: Will this stop
    now that the RNC has left town or will it simply become the accepted
    way of doing things in New York City and elsewhere around the country?

    The RNC gave the NYPD (coordinating with the feds) a perfect
    opportunity to stockpile weapons systems, high-tech equipment,
    and surveillance devices. It allowed them to refine, perfect, and
    implement new tactics (someday, perhaps, to be thought of as the
    "New York model") for use penning in or squelching dissent. It offered
    them the chance to write up a playbook on how citizens' legal rights
    and civil liberties may be abridged, constrained, and violated at their
    discretion. In short, it gave them a free hand to transform New York
    City into a true homeland security statelet.

    Nick Turse writes regularly for Tomdispatch on the military-industrial-
    entertainment complex. He was jailed by the homeland-security state
    when he dared to ride the subway with a "war dead" placard www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A50658-2004Aug31.html>
    around his neck (scroll down to photo). He asks that you consider
    donating to the NYC Legal Work Fund Collective for RNC Arrestees
    and/or the National
    Lawyers Guild
    who saved him more than once during the protests.
    Copyright C2004 Nicholas Turse

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    2) One Thousand and One
    By William Rivers Pitt
    t r u t h o u t | Perspective
    Wednesday 08 September 2004
    http://www.truthout.org/docs_04/090804A.shtml

    On the day Operation Iraqi Freedom suffered the 1,000th death
    of a United States soldier, some quick numbers are in order:

    1,095 days since the attacks of September 11;

    538 days since the invasion and occupation of Iraq;

    1,001 American soldiers dead in Iraq;

    1,132 total Coalition soldiers dead in Iraq;

    More than 20,000 'medical evacuations' of American
    soldiers from Iraq;

    More than 10,000 civilians dead in Iraq;

    0 weapons of mass destruction;

    0 democratic elections in Iraq;

    0 connections between Iraq and the attacks of September 11;

    0 captures of Osama bin Laden, in Iraq or anywhere else;

    $1.7 trillion to be spent on Iraq in the next decade,
    according to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences
    report by the Committee on International Security Studies (CISS).

    Jane Bright wrote to me in November of 2003 about the
    death of her son, one of the 1,001. "I must share with you,"
    wrote Bright, "the obituary I wrote for my son, Sgt. Evan Ashcraft,
    who was killed July 24 near Mosul. I often think of the contributions
    my intelligent, sensitive wonderful son could have made. He could
    have been President of the United States. He could have been a
    doctor caring for children in a Third World Country. He had so
    much potential. He told us that when he came back from Iraq he
    wanted to help people. He said he had seen so much hatred and
    death that the only way to live his life was through aid to others.
    Look at what we've lost. The loss is not just mine, it's the world's
    loss. Evan will always be alive in my heart. He and all the other
    victims of this heinous action in Iraq must be more than mere
    numbers emerging from the Pentagon's daily tally. His death is
    a crime against humanity and the fault lies with the war criminals
    who inhabit our White House. Please share his story so that he may
    come alive to your readers."

    Writer Bruce Mulkey spoke recently to Jane Bright, and wrote
    about his conversation in an essay titled 'Military Families Speak
    Out.' Bright said to him, "Several months ago when George Bush
    was performing his skit for the media in which he was looking
    under his desk and under chairs for weapons of mass destruction,
    I was horrified by the insensitivity of his performance. I thought to
    myself, here is the president of the United States making a joke out
    of a pre-emptive war and laughing about weapons of mass destruction,
    the basis for going to war, a war in which my dear son died, over
    1,000 coalition troops have died and thousands of Iraqi civilians
    have died. How dare he!"

    There are a lot of women like Jane Bright in America now.

    Brooke Campbell lost her brother, Sergeant Ryan M. Campbell,
    in Iraq on April 29, 2004. In his last letter to her, Ryan wrote, "Just
    do me one big favor, OK? Don't vote for Bush. No. Just don't do it.
    I would not be happy with you."

    Ms. Campbell, in a subsequent letter to George W. Bush , wrote,
    "I last saw my loved one at the Kansas City airport, staring after me
    as I walked away. I could see April 29 written on his sad, sand-
    chapped and sunburned face. I could see that he desperately wanted
    to believe that if he died, it would be while 'doing good,' as you put it.
    He wanted us to be able to be proud of him. Mr. President, you gave
    me and my mother a folded flag instead of the beautiful boy who
    called us 'Moms' and 'Brookster.' But worse than that, you sold my
    little brother a bill of goods. Not only did you cheat him of a long
    meaningful life, but you cheated him of a meaningful death."

    At some point, you simply run out of words. 1,000 dead soldiers
    in Iraq, no weapons of mass destruction, no connection to September 11,
    torture and rape of men, women and children at Abu Ghraib prison, the
    outing of a deep-cover CIA officer for political revenge, Rumsfeld ally
    Ahmad Chalabi spying for Iran, the Israeli spy in the Pentagon, all the
    dead civilians everywhere, the substantial failures of Bush et al. on
    September 11, the crater in the economy, a gutted health care system,
    the abandonment of the elderly, the evisceration of the environment,
    and a federal budget deficit that guarantees a bleak future for anyone
    planning to be alive sometime in the next ten years...

    At some point, you simply run out of words. Let us instead have a
    moment of silence for those 1,001 soldiers, and all the civilians who
    have joined them in the Iraqi dust.

    William Rivers Pitt is a New York Times and international bestseller
    of two books - ' War on Iraq: What Team Bush Doesn't Want You to
    Know ' and ' The Greatest Sedition is Silence .'

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    3) CONFRONTING INSURGENTS
    U.S. Conceding Rebels
    Control Regions of Iraq
    By ERIC SCHMITT and STEVEN R. WEISMAN
    WASHINGTON, Sept. 7
    http://www.nytimes.com/2004/09/08/politics/08policy.html?hp

    WASHINGTON, Sept. 7 - As American military deaths in Iraq operations
    surpassed the 1,000 mark, top Pentagon officials said Tuesday that
    insurgents controlled important parts of central Iraq and that it was
    unclear when American and Iraqi forces would be able to secure
    those areas.

    As of late Tuesday night, the Pentagon's accounting showed that
    998 service members and three Defense Department civilians had
    been killed in Iraq operations.

    Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld and Gen. Richard B. Myers,
    the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said at a news conference
    that the American strategy in retaking rebel-held strongholds hinged
    on training and equipping Iraqi forces to take the lead.

    Mr. Rumsfeld said Iraqi officials understood they must regain control
    of the insurgent safe havens. "They get it, and will find a way over
    time to deal with it,'' he said.

    But General Myers said the Iraqi forces would probably not be ready
    to confront insurgents in those areas until the end of this year.

    Their comments, which came after a two-day spike in violence in Iraq
    led to a surge in American military deaths, represented an
    acknowledgment that the Americans had failed to end an increasingly
    sophisticated insurgency in important Sunni-dominated areas and in
    certain Shiite enclaves. Fighting raged on Tuesday in Sadr City, in
    Baghdad, as Shiite militiamen loyal to Moktada al-Sadr ended a self-
    declared cease-fire. [Page A14.]

    The officials' assessment also underscored the difficulty of pacifying
    Iraq in time for elections scheduled for January. The cities of greatest
    rebel control are Ramadi, Falluja, Baquba and Samarra, in the so-
    called Sunni triangle, west and north of Baghdad, where Saddam
    Hussein remains popular and many forces loyal to him have
    gathered strength.

    There is increasing concern in the administration over plans for
    the election, with some officials saying that if significant parts
    of the Sunni areas cannot be secured by January, it may be
    impossible to hold a nationwide balloting that would be seen
    as legitimate. Putting off the elections, though, would infuriate
    Iraq's Shiite majority. The elections are for an assembly that is
    to write a new constitution next year. Mr. Rumsfeld warned
    that the violence would intensify as elections approached.

    Mr. Rumsfeld said that Prime Minister Ayad Allawi recognized
    that his government could not continue to allow rebel control
    in crucial areas of the country, but that it would take time for
    him to determine how to proceed.

    "The prime minister and his team fully understand that it is
    important that there not be areas in that country that are
    controlled by terrorists," he said, adding that Dr. Allawi would
    deal with the problem by "negotiation and discussion" in some
    cases and by force in others.

    Other administration officials, amplifying the secretary's
    comments, said the administration had decided to let Dr.
    Allawi try to persuade rebel leaders to join the process of
    reconstructing Iraq, or suffer the consequences if they did
    not.

    "Allawi's strategy is to try to find people on the sidelines and
    wean the moderates away, to give them courage and a hope
    of reward for themselves," said an administration official.
    "He's telling them: 'I'm giving you an opportunity to meet
    your local concerns. You're going to be my guy, and together
    we'll try to isolate the extremists.' "

    Administration officials say no decision has been made yet
    for American forces to attack those strongholds. The preference
    is for Iraqi forces to do the job, as they were said to have been
    poised to do last month in Najaf, the Shiite holy city.

    But the record of the Iraqi security forces has not been inspiring,
    although some Iraqi forces fought well in Najaf, American officials
    said. While 95,000 soldiers have been trained and equipped up to
    American commanders' satisfaction, General Myers said, they will
    not be ready until the end of the year to join American forces in
    any assault against insurgent strongholds and then keep the
    peace afterward.

    "While U.S. forces or coalition forces can do just about anything
    we want to do, it makes a lot more sense that it be a sustained
    operation, one that can be sustained by Iraqi security forces,"
    General Myers said. "By December, we're going to have a
    substantial number of Iraqi security forces equipped, trained
    and led to conduct the kind of operations I was talking about.''

    A senior American official said force would be tried by the Iraqi
    government only after a couple of months' discussions with rebels.

    "Force is the ultimate sanction, but let's exhaust the other ones
    first," he added.

    A two-month hiatus before major force is applied to rebel areas
    would also mean a delay until after the American presidential
    election, but senior officials insist there is no domestic political
    calculus in the decision to wait - only a conviction that time is
    needed for negotiation and for Iraqi forces to gain strength.

    "This is ultimately about building an Iraqi government which
    works for all of Iraq," said the official. "To the degree that we
    can wait a couple months and let Iraqi politics work, so much
    the better."

    In describing the Iraqi forces, one American general in Iraq
    said in an e-mail message that their "capabilities are still
    uneven, but they're improving as we arm and equip them
    better, improve their infrastructure, give them additional
    training, and help them weed out the weak leaders." Mr.
    Rumsfeld added that Iraqis had recently conducted effective
    counterterrorism operations.

    To buy time, General Myers said, Gen. George Casey, the top
    American commander in Iraq, is working with the Iraqi
    government to develop a strategy to retake the cities.
    General Myers said that strategy included trying to "isolate
    certain communities," hampering the insurgents' ability to
    rearm and resupply, and curtailing attacks against American
    forces. He said the strategy would also try "to set the
    conditions for the successful use of force later,'' military
    wording for preparing the battlefield by bombing safe
    houses and weapons caches, and encouraging residents
    to provide fresh intelligence on the location of insurgents.

    Over the weekend, Lt. Gen. Thomas Metz, the land
    commander in Iraq, told The Associated Press that an
    American assault is likely in the next four months. "I do
    have about four months where I want to get to local control,''
    General Metz said. "And then I've got the rest of January to
    help the Iraqis to put the mechanisms in place."

    Maj. Gen. John R. Batiste, the commander of the Army's First
    Infantry Division, whose area north of Baghdad includes
    Tikrit and Samarra, disputed reports that the United States
    had given up in Samarra.

    "Samarra is a city where Iraqis are taking charge to throw
    out anti-Iraqi forces," he said in an e-mail message on
    Tuesday. "No one has ceded the city to insurgents and
    there is no cordon. What we have in Samarra is the good
    people of Iraq, led by far-sighted provincial and city
    leadership, senior sheiks, and clerics, standing up to the enemy."

    Residents, however, say insurgents effectively control Samarra.

    General Batiste and other commanders gave an upbeat
    assessment, noting that "the messages at Friday Prayer are
    becoming more and more moderate" and that American forces
    "keep continuous pressure on the enemy" while they help Iraqis
    with reconstruction. In an unusual step for a Pentagon that tends
    to avoid citing body counts as a measure of success, Mr. Rumsfeld
    said American and allied forces had probably killed 1,500 to 2,500
    insurgents last month.

    But other American officials are more pessimistic about the
    prospects for regaining control of those areas. One noted, for
    example, that attacks on American forces rose to 2,700 in August,
    from 700 in March.

    General Myers conceded that American forces faced a tough,
    adaptive foe. "The enemy is becoming more sophisticated in his
    efforts to destabilize the country," he said.

    Opening U.S. to Iraqi Goods

    By The New York Times

    WASHINGTON, Sept. 7 - In a proclamation on Tuesday, President
    Bush gave Iraq the right to export thousands of goods duty free
    to the United States.

    But because of the continued poor state of its economy, Iraq will
    be unable to take immediate advantage of its new designation as
    a beneficiary of the Generalized System of Preferences, which
    grants preferential treatment to certain products from more than
    140 developing countries and territories.

    Petroleum, Iraq's only major export commodity, is not given duty
    free status under the system.

    Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    4) Fight Oppression One Olive at a Time
    Help with the Palestinian Olive Harvest this Fall
    This simple act will help Palestinians resist the occupation
    by insisting on life.

    The INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY MOVEMENT asks you to join us
    for the olive harvest in Palestine. According to the World Bank, more
    than a million Palestinian fruit trees, nearly half of them olive trees,
    have been bulldozed, uprooted or set ablaze by Israeli soldiers. Olive
    trees become fully productive only after fifty years and produce for
    many generations. Their destruction is a way of trying to breaking
    the Palestinian bond with the land.

    Your presence makes a difference! When international volunteers
    join with Palestinians, Israeli forces are often more cautious about
    abusing Palestinian rights. Volunteers also witness and report to
    their communities and let the Palestinians know that they are not
    alone. Come join the Olive Harvest Campaign, Oct. 5 - Nov. 15.
    We also need local volunteers to organize, recruit, provide media
    and logistical support, create speaking opportunities, and organize
    fundraising activities. You can make a difference here, too.
    Get involved. Call 510-236-4250 or e-mail info@norcalism.org

    The INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY MOVEMENT is a Palestinian-led
    movement of Palestinian and International volunteers working to
    raise awareness of the struggle for Palestinian freedom and an end
    to Israeli occupation. We use nonviolent, direct-action resistance
    methods to confront and challenge illegal Israeli occupation forces
    and policies. For more info go to www.palsolidarity.org www.palsolidarity.org/> or www.norcalism.org
    .
    Come help us support Palestinians in their struggle for peace
    and justice in Palestine!
    Contact the INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY MOVEMENT
    Support Group, 510-236-4250, info@norcalism.com
    or
    SEND DONATIONS to MECA/ISM, 405 Vista Heights Road
    El Cerrito, CA 94530

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    5) Peace activist held as 'danger to Israel'
    Lawyers question state motives behind detention
    without trial of former woman soldier who befriended
    leading Palestinian militant
    Chris McGreal in Jerusalem
    Tuesday September 7, 2004
    The Guardian

    Tali Fahima served her time in the Israeli army, voted
    for Ariel Sharon as prime minister and took it as
    given that her country was struggling for survival
    against terrorism.

    Then last year, the 29-year-old legal secretary from
    Tel Aviv picked up a newspaper and read about Zakariya
    Zubeidi, the Jenin leader of the al-Aqsa Martyrs
    Brigade, the group responsible for killing hundreds of
    Israelis in suicide bombings and shootings. Ms Fahima
    decided she would ask Mr Zubeidi why he killed Jews.

    On Sunday, the military placed Ms Fahima in detention
    without trial using a law applied to thousands of
    Palestinians over the past four years of intifada but
    rarely to Israelis.

    The authorities declined to reveal the precise reasons
    but the defence minister, Shaul Mofaz, who signed the
    order, described her as "a clear and present danger to
    all Israelis".

    Intelligence sources told the Israeli press that Ms
    Fahima had a hand in bombing an army checkpoint last
    month, and that she was planning attacks inside
    Israel.

    But Ms Fahima's lawyers and friends accuse the
    government of using draconian security laws to silence
    her because she has broken a taboo against befriending
    and explaining the enemy.

    Ms Fahima started visiting Mr Zubeidi in Jenin a
    little more than a year ago, despite an Israeli ban on
    its citizens travelling to Palestinian towns. She said
    she wanted to find out what motivated him to kill.

    "I had to ask why a man goes ahead and does this," she
    told Israeli television this year. "There is a reason
    for this. A man doesn't wake up one morning and
    decide, 'OK, I'm going to carry out an attack.'"

    The army describes Mr Zubeidi as one of its
    most-wanted terrorists. It has tried in vain to kill
    him five times.

    After several meetings with the al-Aqsa brigade's
    commander, Ms Fahima described him as a freedom
    fighter and "a kindhearted person whom I was lucky to
    meet". She said she would be a human shield to protect
    him from Israeli assassination attempts.

    "It is hard for a 28-year-old girl who was brought up
    on certain values to find out one day that they are
    all wrong," she told the Jerusalem Post in June. "Who
    causes the occupation? The Palestinians? No. It is the
    Israelis and who am I? A Jew and an Israeli and by
    sitting at home and doing nothing I am also
    responsible.

    "Zubeidi is not a terrorist, rather he is fighting
    against the occupation. Suicide bombers are also
    fighting the occupation. Put yourself in their place
    and see what happens. They are denied basic rights and
    freedom."

    Those views have infuriated many Israelis who have
    denounced Ms Fahima as a traitor and terrorist
    sympathiser. Her religious parents refuse to speak to
    her, and she was sacked from her job.

    Ms Fahima's lawyers say if there were evidence she was
    involved in violence the authorities would have laid
    charges, not place her in the limbo of administrative
    detention.

    The justice minister, Yosef Lapid, said the activist
    has not been charged due to the need to protect
    intelligence sources.

    "There is very, very concrete evidence in the material
    indicating that she acted in a manner that endangers
    the security of Israel. Until there is a trial, the
    relevant officials believe that it would be better
    from the point of view of the security of Israel that
    she remain in detention," he said.

    But Ms Fahima's lawyer, Smadar Ben-Natan, says her
    client was detained last month after refusing to
    inform for the Shin Bet.

    "[The intelligence services] are attempting to prove
    to her that she is politically mistaken, they are
    giving her history lessons, debating with her whether
    this should be described as occupation, whether
    Palestinian fighters should be defined as freedom
    fighters or as terrorists," she said.

    One of Ms Fahima's friends, Lin Dovrat, a peace
    activist, said the political motives behind her
    detention were clear from the authorities' claim that
    information against her was too sensitive to be made
    public in court while the Shin Bet leaked accusations
    to the press.

    "They tried to kill Zubeidi five times and failed and
    she got to him and was able to talk to him and was
    able to connect with him on a very basic human level
    and I think that drives them nuts," she said.

    Ms Ben-Natan says that when Ms Fahima refused to
    collaborate with the Shin Bet, it sought to discredit
    her by telling journalists she was sleeping with Mr
    Zubeidi, who is married. It is an accusation widely
    given credibility in the Israeli press, and denied by
    Ms Fahima.

    Guardian Unlimited (c) Guardian Newspapers Limited 2004

    Adam from San Francisco!

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    6) URGENT CALL TO ACTION: ORGANIZE A VIGIL ON THURSDAY NIGHT
    FOR THE MORE THAN 1,000 U.S. SOLDIERS AND TENS OF
    THOUSANDS OF IRAQIS KILLED

    More than one thousand young Americans have died in Iraq,
    almost seven thousand are maimed, and tens of thousands of
    Iraqis have died. The President won't mourn our dead, but
    we will.

    Please join United for Peace and Justice, in coordination
    with Win Without War, and dozens of other groups,
    including Military Families Speak Out and Veterans For
    Peace, to say: Enough to Endless War and Suffering, Bring
    Them Home NOW!

    TAKE ACTION: ORGANIZE A PEACE VIGIL THIS THURSDAY, SEPT.
    9, 2004

    Please help us organize hundreds of peace vigils on
    Thursday night, to mourn for all the people who?ve been
    killed in Iraq, call for an end to the occupation, and
    demand accountability for the lies that got us into the
    war!

    We will remember the more than 1,000 US servicemen and
    women who have died in Iraq. We will remember the many
    thousands of Iraqis--civilians and combatants, men and
    women, children the elderly--who have been killed. And we
    will remember that these deaths did not have to happen.

    We know that the current administration has plunged us
    into this unjust and unjustifiable war, driven by greed
    for oil and lust for power and fueled by lie after lie. We
    cannot remain silent!

    We demand an end to the occupation so the Iraqi people can
    determine their own destiny free from foreign interference
    and control.

    We want our troops brought home NOW. Don't ask these men
    and women to continue to die for politicians' mistakes and
    lies. And we want them treated right when they return.
    Give them the benefits there were promised and give them
    the help they will need to heal their bodies, their minds
    and their spirits.

    We will remember, honor and mourn. We will not forget!

    -Text taken from the Vigil for the Fallen, held in Union
    Square, NYC, last Thursday.

    We suggest you hold the Sept. 9 vigil at your local
    Congressional representatives? offices or at the federal
    building in your town.

    Post your event at http://www.unitedforpeace.org and
    http://www.winwithoutwarus.org (which will link to a site
    that has meet-up software) so the whole country will know
    about your participation.

    We also encourage you to support and participate in the
    National Memorial Procession, a trail of mourning and
    truth from Iraq to the White House, which will begin on
    October 2 at Arlington National Cemetery. For more
    information, see
    http://www.peacepledge.org/resist/10-2-2004.htm.

    UFPJ mailing list
    UFPJ@mediajumpstart.net
    https://secure.mediajumpstart.net/mailman/listinfo/ufpj

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    7) CENSORED 2005:
    THE TOP 25 CENSORED MEDIA STORIES OF 2003-2004
    http://www.projectcensored.org/publications/2005/index.html

    #1: Wealth Inequality in 21st Century Threatens Economy
    and Democracy

    #2: Ashcroft vs. the Human Rights Law that Hold
    Corporations Accountable

    #3: Bush Administration Censors Science

    #4: High Levels of Uranium Found in Troops and Civilians

    #5: The Wholesale Giveaway of Our Natural Resources

    #6: The Sale of Electoral Politics

    #7: Conservative Organization Drives Judicial Appointments

    #8: Cheney's Energy Task Force and The Energy Policy

    #9: Widow Brings RICO Case Against U.S. government for 9/11

    #10: New Nuke Plants: Taxpayers Support, Industry Profits

    #11: The Media Can Legally Lie

    #12: The Destabilization of Haiti

    #13: Schwarzenegger Met with Enron's Ken Lay Years Before
    the California Recall

    #14: New Bill Threatens Intellectual Freedom in Area Studies

    #15: U.S. Develops Lethal New Viruses

    #16: Law Enforcement Agencies Spy on Innocent Citizens

    #17: U.S. Government Represses Labor Unions in Iraq in
    Quest for Business Privatization

    #18: Media and Government Ignore Dwindling Oil Supplies

    #19: Global Food Cartel Fast Becoming hte World's
    Supermarket

    #20: Extreme Weather Prompts New Warning from UN

    #21: Forcing a World Market for GMOs

    #22: Censoring Iraq

    #23: Brazil Holds Back in FTAA Talks, But Provides Little
    Comfort for the Poor of South America

    #24: Reinstating the Draft

    #25: Wal-Mart Brings Inequality and Low Prices to the World


    Project Censored - Sonoma State University
    1801 East Cotati Ave., Rohnert Park, CA 94928
    (707) 664-2500
    censored@sonoma.edu

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    8) 150 Arrests during Demonstration by
    San Francisco Hotel Workers
    By Frontlines correspondent

    SAN FRANCISCO -- Over 500 of San Francisco hotel employees
    and supporters today staged a noisy protest in Union Square with
    more than 150 of them arrested for blocking Powell Street.

    With labor contracts beginning to expire Saturday for more than
    7,000 hotel workers in San Francisco, hotel and union representatives
    are trying to hash out differences over health care and pension costs,
    wages and employee workloads.

    The contracts expiring Saturday affect 29 hotels. Contracts at 30 other
    San Francisco hotels are due to expire in September. Union
    representatives told Frontlines that management is trying to stall
    negotiations. The same source says that members of Local 2 have
    been working without a contract for three weeks and will take a strike
    vote next week.

    Hundreds of workers and labor activists marched from Market Street
    to Union Square where they sat down in the streets stopping the cable
    cars, blocking traffic and paralyzing the shopping district.

    The workers want a two-year deal and do not want to have to contribute
    more for their health care.

    Hundreds of the workers chanted and banged on drums while those
    willing to be arrested were hauled away by a numerous group of SFPD's
    officers. Some elected officials were among those arrested, as well as
    Labor leaders and some supporters of the action.

    The group representing fourteen of the city's luxury hotels says it is
    willing to negotiate around the clock to avert a strike and a federal
    mediator is joining the talks. Union activists stated, "Talk is cheap,
    they are doing the impossible not to negotiate in good faith."

    The protest was organized by UNITE-HERE Local 2, which represents
    more than 7,000 San Francisco hotel workers including cooks,
    room cleaners, bartenders, bellmen, wait staff and dishwashers.
    Mike Casey, President of HERE, Local 2 was among those marching.
    Members of SEIU and other unions were also visible among the
    hundreds of mostly immigrant workers from HERE.

    The workers would like more comprehensive health care coverage,
    decent pensions, pay increases and a more reasonable workload,
    said Valerie Lapin, from HERE.

    "Since Sept. 11, hotels laid off a lot of workers and now business is
    up and people have to work too much and risk getting hurt," she said.

    Hotels "are making huge profits," Lapin said. "Now it's time to
    share in some of the success."

    The arrest came about when workers and their supporters blocked
    the entrance of the St. Francis Hotel, one of the targets of the
    demonstration. ST. Francis's management asked the SFPD to
    proceed with the arrests. SFPD's complied after agreeing that
    the arrests will be framed as "citizen arrests" and a brief telephone
    call to "high brass" who "checked with the Mayor or some of his
    staff" one cop confirmed.

    Among those arrested were Walter Johnson, 80-year old retiring
    SF labor Council President; Leroy King; 8th Congressional Green
    candidate Terry Baum; Father Louis Vitale; D5 Green candidate
    Lisa Feldstein; Supervisor Tom Ammiano and D5 Democratic
    candidate Robert Haaland.

    Today's action in San Francisco followed those of thousands of
    California hotel workers who rallied in San Francisco, Los Angeles
    and San Diego on Aug. 13 to press their contract demands.

    In San Francisco, the day before a master contract covering over
    7,000 workers in 60 premier hotels expired, hundreds of
    demonstrators gathered in downtown Union Square to march
    past several of the hotels in mid-August.

    As in today's rally, workers carried signs declaring, "Health care
    is a right," and "Retire with dignity."

    "We won't allow the hotels to balance their books on our
    backs," said Local 2 President Mike Casey, adding, "Hotel
    employees work too hard to keep our city's economy strong,
    to be cast aside in their retirement."



    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    9) Bush & Putin self-fulfilled prophesies:
    Slaughter and Terrorism
    Frontlines Editorial Board
    http://www.sf-frontlines.com/
    modules.php?op=modload&name=News&file=article&sid=828&mode=thread&order
    =0&thold=0

    We are witnessing self-fulfilled prophesies. Bush orders the
    invasion and occupation of Iraq on bogus claims of terrorist
    links between Saddam and al Queda and the existence of WMDs.

    Putin invades Chechnya making the bogus claim of fundamentalist
    terrorism against Russian civilians and the danger of WMD falling
    into the hands of terrorists.

    In Iraq, Bush indiscriminately attacks anybody who does not agree
    with the occupation: moderate and radical Shias and Sunnis,
    nationalists and former members of Saddam's party. Torture is
    applied in Abu Ghraib and tens of thousands of innocent civilians
    are killed or wounded.

    Putin invades Chechnya, massacres the civilian population, tramples
    on the national self-rule and attacks moderates, radicals,
    nationalists and even those who would collaborate to some
    degree with Russian rule. His bands of "Special Forces" and
    masked policemen kidnap, torture and kill political activists
    and human rights advocates.

    Both Bush in Iraq and Putin in Chechnya are acting on behalf
    of the ruling classes of their respective countries. It is more
    than a coincidence that the production, transportation and
    commercialization of oil and gas are behind the armed invasions
    of both Iraq and Chechnya.

    Unable to resist the power of either the US forces or Russian
    armies, people from Iraq and Chechnya, who otherwise would
    be minding their own businesses, act desperately. They kidnap,
    kill, maim anybody who is an occupier or suspected of
    collaborating with the occupiers.

    Otherwise reasonable people turn to religious fundamentalism
    and terrorism when all the avenues for political expression or
    legitimate opposition to the invasion of their countries are
    smothered by the force of arms. When human rights activists,
    journalists and politicians - even moderate ones - are smashed,
    imprisoned or disappeared, people turn their eyes toward the
    intangible of God for help.

    Faith will not prevail against fire, and represents a regression to
    Middle Age thinking and attitudes, but what are people supposed
    to do when the might of "civilization" is brought to stamp their
    freedoms out? What are people supposed to turn to when every
    protest ends in massacre and the uncompromising imperial
    hawks talk about annihilating their cultures, their countries,
    their liberties? Bush's and Putin's prophecies become a self-
    fulfilled reality.

    Terrorism is the last line of defense for those with no way out.
    Nothing - not even a noble cause such as national independence
    and self-rule by oppressed nations - can justify the slaughter of
    kids at the Beslan school, the blowup of passenger jets, the
    bombing of subway stations or the crashing of airplanes into
    buildings filled with civilians, mostly workers, in New York.
    They are crimes and those who order, plan and execute them
    are criminals. However, there is no doubt that, following on the
    imperial designs of the US and Russia, terrorists are the product
    of the policies of the Bushes and Putins of the world.

    Bush and Putin relish a fight with desperate elements of society
    as that reenforces the global reactionary consciousness and provides
    them with a broader platform for the continuation of their policies.
    No doubt the images of slaughtered children in Russia have served
    well the political aspirations of both Bush and Putin, as 9/11 served
    the aspirations of Bush and his gang. Thus, terrorism demoralizes
    the opposition to imperialism and strengthens those very forces
    that the terrorists are opposing.

    There is a clear distinction to be made between legitimate resistance
    to foreign occupation, included armed resistance directed towards
    the occupying forces, and attacks on civilians, particularly if they
    are not involved directly with the occupation.

    The Spanish people had it right. When suffering the attacks of
    terrorists, they justly blamed the Aznar government for bringing
    the attacks on by participating in the invasion and occupation of
    Iraq. And the people did the right thing: they voted Aznar out of
    government a few days after the terrorist attacks. With that small
    step forward they set an example for the rest of us. Not enough
    of a step, as the persistence of the capitalist system in Spain made
    that step forward only a provisionary one. But an important one,
    nonetheless. Under different circumstances, the present Social
    democratic government will reproduce Aznar's policies.

    There is no solution to be found in the hollow cries to be "strong,"
    ruthless and to increase repression and the violation of Civil Liberties
    spewed by Bush - and Kerry - and Putin. The increasing number of
    desperate millions created by their policies demonstrates the failure
    of their strategies. These governments are increasingly turning on
    their own peoples as well. Bush, and Putin, may be able to guarantee
    their own safety and that of a handful of their supporters, but not of
    the overwhelming majority of working people - those who worked
    at the Twin Towers or the children and parents at Beslan.

    In the final analysis, those victims are for Putin, and Bush, no more
    than "collateral" damage or elements for manipulation of the public
    through effective TV spots.

    It is the responsibility and duty of the working classes of both the
    US and Russia - and all other imperialist countries - to break the
    cycle of violence and terrorism that originates in their very
    governments, by getting rid of those governments. Nothing
    short of such action will bring about a solution to the present
    world crisis.

    Terrorism, fundamentalism and regressive consciousness are
    products of an over-extension of the brutal imperial world system,
    not of an innate "evil" character of entire peoples as Bush and Putin
    would like us to believe.

    Fundamentalists and terrorists were a tiny minority, even nonexistent,
    when secular, progressive, even though bourgeois, nationalist political
    formations resisted imperialism even on a limited scale in Africa, Asia
    and the Middle East during the postwar anti-colonial revolutions.

    By overextending the imperialist domination of Africa, Asia and the
    Middle East - and by destroying any and all secular and modern
    opposition to their rules in those regions -- the US and European
    imperial powers gave birth to fundamentalism and encouraged its
    growth. In fact, they often paid and used fundamentalists to oppose
    secular leaderships in those countries.

    Capitalism and imperialism have long ago exhausted their ability
    to move society forward and are rapidly leading "civilization" back
    into barbarism. The present day trend is for the peoples of Russia,
    the US and elsewhere to be progressively less safe and more
    oppressed by the plans of their ruling classes, in a direct proportion
    as the US and other imperial powers oppress other nations.

    The replacement of capitalism and imperialism with a democratic
    socialist society, in which countries share technology and production
    for the benefit of all and in which the rebuilding of our environment
    and the elimination of poverty, hunger and imperial rule are priorities,
    will go a long way toward eliminating the need, and thus the suffering,
    of acts of desperation.

    Rejecting the strategy of desperation is also the policy of socialists.

    We believe that, on the grand scale of things necessary to change society,
    it is the action of the mass movement on the streets and in workplaces,
    which can change governments, replace regimes, transform society
    and make terrorism obsolete, once the material basics of education,
    food, housing, jobs and health are guaranteed for all human beings.

    In a prosperous world society where classes do not exist and
    exploitation and oppression are outdated, there will simply be
    no motivation for crime, terrorism or regression.

    Tuesday, September 07, 2004
     

    US DEATH TOLL NEARS 1,000; DOZENS KILLED AS SADR CITY ERUPTS AGAIN

    US Death Toll Nears 1,000; Dozens Killed as
    Sadr City Erupts Again

    Published on Tuesday, September 7, 2004 by the
    Agence France Presse
    http://www.commondreams.org/headlines04/0907-01.htm


    Iraq was steeped in blood as a fledgling truce in a Baghdad
    rebel bastion was shattered by fresh fighting that officials
    said left 40 killed and scores wounded, while the US death
    count neared the 1,000 mark.

    Fierce clashes were raging in Sadr City, an AFP correspondent
    said, reporting that smoke was rising from some areas of the
    over-populated Baghdad slum while US fighter jets were flying
    overhead.

    Supporters of Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr cheer and shout
    pro-Sadr slogans as U.S. armored vehicles withdraw after hours
    of fighting in Sadr City, Baghdad, Iraq, Tuesday Sept. 7, 2004.
    U.S. forces battled al-Sadr's supporters in the Baghdad slum on
    Tuesday, killing at least 34 people, including one American

    The health ministry said 40 Iraqis were killed and more than
    270 wounded in overnight clashes between US forces and
    combatants loyal to rebel Shiite cleric Moqtada Sadr.

    Sadr Lieutenant Sheikh Naim al-Qaabi said 15 of his movement's
    Mehdi Army fighters were killed and 62 wounded.

    "Last night was the most intense shelling of Sadr City since the
    Americans arrived in Iraq," he said, adding heavy aircraft fire
    lasted from 11:00 pm (1900 GMT) to 4:00 am.

    US army spokesman Lieutenant Colonel James Hutton reported
    several bomb and small arms attacks on US forces in Sadr City
    overnight and said one US soldier was killed in an ambush there
    on Tuesday.

    US tanks rumbled around the neighbourhood and automatic
    fire echoed on Sadr City's main al-Shuhada Street. Four US
    military vehicles blocked off al-Hay square, home to Sadr's
    main office.

    Tuesday's clashes marked the deadliest combat in the
    Baghdad neighbourhood since April.

    The US military had also reported the deaths of three other
    troops in separate attacks in the Baghdad area on Monday,
    bringing the total number of soldiers killed since the March
    2003 invasion to 992.

    The fresh violence came after the US military suffered its worst
    single human loss in months Monday, when a car bomb ripped
    through a joint convoy, killing seven marines and three Iraqi
    national guards near Fallujah.

    The new eruption of violence brought an abrupt end to a period
    of relative calm which had followed Sadr's call last week for a
    ceasefire and pledge to join the political arena.

    His surprise announcement came after the end of the weeks-
    long standoff between US troops and his Mehdi Army around
    the Imam Ali shrine in the holy Shiite of Najaf.

    Yet negotiations to secure an agreement guaranteeing an end
    to violence in Sadr collapsed last week.

    Sadr's office said the Iraqi government had refused their request
    that US troops should only enter the two-million-strong slum
    for reconstruction purposes and also rejected their demand for
    compensation.

    The US military announced they had set up collection points
    across Sadr City for fighters to turn in their heavy weaponry
    but the call remained unheeded in the absence of a formal
    agreement.

    The new flare-up left the Iraqi government in a deepening crisis,
    following the embarrassment over the false announcement that
    Saddam's fugitive deputy Izzat Ibrahim al-Duri had been arrested.

    The capture would have been the highest-profile since Saddam
    Hussein himself was netted in December 2003 but officials
    sheepishly retracted their claim Monday after a day-long confusion.

    Ibrahim is the most wanted member of the former regime
    still at large but an interior ministry spokesman said Monday
    that Iraqi forces had detained a man who resembled him.

    As the capital was engulfed in a fresh wave of violence,
    Baghdad governor Ali al-Haidri narrowly escaped an
    assassination attempt, officials said.

    The governor himself told the Al-Arabiya news channel that
    two civilians were killed in the roadside bomb attack, although
    there was no immediate confirmation from hospital sources.

    In further unrest, the 19-year-old son of the governor for the
    northern Iraqi province of Niniveh which includes the city of
    Mosul was assassinated by unknown attackers, medical and
    police sources said.

    A mortar attack on the provincial government building killed
    a policeman and wounded 18 people last week. The governor's
    predecessor was assassinated in July.

    As a recent spate of attacks on the country's oil and gas
    infrastructure further crippled the ailing Iraqi economy,
    Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari continued a tour of the
    region to muster support for his embattled government.

    After talks in Jordan, Zebari was due to visit Yemen, Sudan
    and Egypt, where he will attend an extraordinary meeting of
    the 22-member of the Arab League later this month.


    © Copyright 2004 AFP

    ###

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