Bay . Area . United . Against . War
|
||
|
BAUAW NEWSLETTER Subscribe/Unsubscribe
Sunday, April 22, 2007
BAUAW NEWSLETTER - SUNDAY, APRIL 22, 2007
*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* "There comes a times when silence is betrayal." --Martin Luther King *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* Hands Off Venezuela: Jorge Martin Speaking Tour Date in San Francisco When: Wednesday, May 9, 2007, 7:00 PM Where: Center for Political Education, 3rd Floor Auditorium 522 Valencia, near 16th St. (ring bell; not wheelchair accessible) Cost: $5/$3 students, seniors, unemployed Transit: BART station, 16th St. Parking nearby: Mission & Bartlett Garage; 16th & Hoff Garage Visit our websites at: www.ushov.org www.handsoffvenezuela.org *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* ONE COURT DECISION: EXECUTION OR THE ROAD TO FREEDOM Stand with Mumia Abu-Jamal May 17 in Philadelphia and San Francisco. On May 17, 2007 Mumia Abu-Jamal's lead attorney, Robert R. Bryan, will present oral arguments to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit in Philadelphia. Despite a mountain of evidence of his innocence, a U.S. criminal "justice" system saturated with race and class bias has reduced his case to just four issues: exclusion of Blacks from the jury panel, racial bias, improper instructions to the jury regarding the death penalty and prosecutorial misconduct. In a 1982 frame-up trial that has been condemned by groups and individuals including Amnesty International, the European Parliament, the NAACP, the National Lawyers Guild, President Nelson Mandela of South Africa, President Jacques Chirac of France, the Congressional Black Caucus, hundreds of U.S. and international trade unions and the Detroit, San Francisco, and Paris, France city councils, Mumia was falsely convicted of the murder of a Philadelphia police officer. Six eyewitnesses stated that the real killer fled the murder scene while Mumia himself was found near dead next to the slain police officer. Critical evidence of Mumia's innocence was destroyed or withheld. "Witnesses" never at the murder scene were coerced to state that they were present. Police distorted events and material evidence at the murder scene. Mumia himself was excluded from the majority of his own trial. Mumia was the victim of a political frame-up. He is an award-winning journalist, whose widely-respected social commentaries are today broadcast on 124 radio stations. In 1981, as a radio commentator and President of the Philadelphia Association of Black Journalists, he was a leading human rights critic of the Philadelphia Police Department, many of whose officers had been indicted and convicted on charges of corruption, witness intimidation and the planting of evidence. Mumia's judge, Albert Sabo, was overheard by court stenographer, Terri Maurer Carter, to say in his antechambers about Mumia, "Yeah, and I'm going to help 'em fry the n----r." Mumia has been on death row nearly 25 years. He has become a worldwide symbol in the fight against the barbaric and racist death penalty. Pennsylvania authorities seek, for the third time, to impose the death penalty and murder Mumia by lethal injection. We must make the political price of this execution and continued incarceration too high to pay. We stand with Mumia as he fights for his legal right to a new trial and for his life and freedom. Join us in Philadelphia on Thursday, May 17, 9:30 am at the U.S. Courthouse, 6th and Market Streets, Philadelphia. On the East Coast call: 215-476-8812. On the West Coast, we mobilize at the U.S. Court of Appeals Building, 7th Street and Mission, San Francisco, 4-6 pm. Call: 415-255-1085 Pam Africa; Ed Asner; Harry Belafonte; Heidi Boghosian, Exec. Dir, *National Lawyers Guild; Angela Davis; Hari Dillon, President, Vanguard Public Foundation; Eve Ensler; Bill Fletcher Jr., Co-founder, *Center for Labor Renewal; Danny Glover; Frances Goldin; Rick Halperin, President, *Texas Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty; Dolores Huerta; Barbara Lubin, Dir., *Middle East Children's Alliance; Jeff Mackler; Robbie Meeropol, Exec. Dir., *Rosenberg Fund for Children; Michael Ratner, President, *Center for Constitutional Rights; Lynne Stewart; Alice Walker; Cornel West; Howard Zinn *Organization listed for identification purposes only. CONTRIBUTE TO THE EFFORT TO SAVE MUMIA'S LIFE! Please make checks payable to: Mobilization to Free Mumia Abu-Jamal, 298 Valencia Street, San Francisco, CA 94103. - freemumia.org; alerts@freemumia.org Sponsors: The Mobilization to Free Mumia Abu-Jamal (Northern California); International Concerned Family and Friends of Mumia Abu-Jamal; Free Mumia Abu-Jamal Coalition (NYC); Chicago Committee to Free Mumia Abu-Jamal; Educators for Mumia Abu-Jamal *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* ARTICLES IN FULL: *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 1) Lordstown test case: Nonunion janitors, 10-hour straight-time Jamie LaReau and Dave Barkholz | Automotive News / April 16, 2007 [Via Email from: This is from a subscription site, AutoNews.com, which is why I am posting the entire piece. --Steven Matthews steve@panix.com] 2) Are mobile phones wiping out our bees? "Scientists claim radiation from handsets are to blame for mysterious 'colony collapse' of bees..." By Geoffrey Lean and Harriet Shawcross Published: 15 April 2007 http://news.independent.co.uk/environment/wildlife/article2449968.ece 3) Young People and the War in Iraq By JANET ELDER NY Times, April 17, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/17/us/politics/18web-elder.html?8dpc 4) Denying the Right to Choose April 19, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/19/opinion/19thu1.html?_r=1&hp&oref=slogin 5) Frolicking Visitor Delights Hearts, Then Dies By ANTHONY RAMIREZ and ANN FARMER April 19, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/19/nyregion/19whale.html?ref=nyregion 6) About Shaquanda Cotton: an interview with Terry Howcott John Calvin Jones "Editor's note: The recent story of Shaquanda Cotton, sentenced to seven years in a juvenile prison for her first offense, pushing a hall monitor at her high school in Paris, Texas, raises a number of social policy issues. Though Ms. Cotton was just released, given the revelations of abuses in the Texas Penal System, where youths were forced to have sex with guards, thousands of others are trapped behind bars and are being tracked for prison as we speak. Many people sought to shed light on the Shaquanda Cotton case and secure her release. One such woman was Terry Howcott. I was able to interview Ms. Howcott and get her thoughts on the Shaquanda Cotton affair and more." 2007-04-09 http://www.virtualcitizens.com/articles/About_Shaquanda_Cotton__an_interview_with_Terry_Howcott 7) Girl in prison for shove released By Howard Witt Tribune senior correspondent March 31, 2007, 8:41 PM CDT http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/nationworld/chi-070331shaquanda,1,2079171,print.story?coll=chi-news-hed&ctrack=2&cset=true 8) The Plot Against Medicare By PAUL KRUGMAN Op-Ed Columnist April 20, 2007 http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/20/opinion/20krugman.html?hp 9) U.S. Releases Cuban Bombing Suspect By ANTHONY DePALMA April 20, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/20/world/americas/20posada.html?_r=1&ref=world&oref=slogin 10) Union, in Organizing Fight, Tangles With Celebrity Cook By MARIAN BURROS April 20, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/20/us/20deen.html 11) Statement from the revolutionary government of Cuba Translated by Granma International Havana, April 19, 2007 http://www.granma.cu/ingles/2007/abril/vier20/17declara.html 12) U.S. Erects Baghdad Wall to Keep Sects Apart By EDWARD WONG and DAVID S. CLOUD April 21, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/21/world/middleeast/21iraq.html?ref=world 13) Marine Officer to Testify on Iraq Killings in Exchange for Immunity By PAUL von ZIELBAUER April 21, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/21/world/middleeast/21abuse.html 14) Growing Unrest Posing a Threat to Nigerian Oil By JAD MOUAWAD April 21, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/21/business/worldbusiness/21oil.html?ref=business 15) Um Noor April 16, 2007 http://washingtonbureau.typepad.com/iraq/2007/04/um_noor.html 16) In Turnabout, Infant Deaths Climb in South [Please note Cuba's Infant mortality rate: total: 6.04 deaths/1,000 live births male: 6.76 deaths/1,000 live births female: 5.26 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) These figures are from: https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/print/cu.html ...bw] By ERIK ECKHOLM April 22, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/22/health/22infant.html?hp 17) 3 Suspects Talk After Iraqi Soldiers Do Dirty Work By ALISSA J. RUBIN April 22, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/22/world/middleeast/22detain.html?hp 18) Military Cites ‘Negligence’ in Aftermath of Iraq Killings By PAUL von ZIELBAUER April 22, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/22/world/middleeast/22haditha.html?ref=world 19) Hoping to Curb Drug Trade at a Housing Complex, the Newark Police Move In "Most important, the police officers will remain in the courtyard indefinitely, 24 hours a day, trying to edge out the dealers." By KAREEM FAHIM April 22, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/22/nyregion/22newark.html?ref=nyregion 20) In Arctic Foxes, Clues to Effects of Shrinking Habitat “They didn’t move,” Dr. Dalen said of the European animals. “That whole population is extinct.” By HENRY FOUNTAIN April 17, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/17/science/17observ.html 21) Why Darwinism Isn’t Depressing By Robert Wright April 21, 2007 http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/21/opinion/21wright.html?hp 22) TRAINING IRAQI TROOPS NO LONGER DRIVING FORCE IN U.S. POLICY By Nancy A. Youssef McClatchy Newspapers April 19, 2007 http://www.realcities.com/mld/krwashington/17104704.htm 23) Castro resumes official business Story from BBC NEWS: http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/americas/6578539.stm *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 1) Lordstown test case: Nonunion janitors, 10-hour straight-time Jamie LaReau and Dave Barkholz | Automotive News / April 16, 2007 [Via Email from: This is from a subscription site, AutoNews.com, which is why I am posting the entire piece. --Steven Matthews steve@panix.com] General Motors' Lordstown, Ohio, assembly plant has become the test site for a companywide cost-cutting effort that could save hundreds of millions of dollars a year. As part of an ambitious productivity strategy dubbed "True North," GM is asking local UAW leaders at all plants to consider a variety of once-taboo efficiency measures. In late February, GM opened negotiations with Lordstown's union officials. GM wants the union to accept nonunion janitors, work 10-hour shifts without overtime pay, allow nonunion workers to replenish parts bins and let nonunion truckers deliver and unload parts shipments. The unstated threat: If the workers reject GM's proposals, production of the 2009 Cobalt might move to Mexico. If the union allows it, True North could generate big savings. According to a knowledgeable source, the companywide use of nonunion janitors -- who would earn about $12 per hour instead of $28 per hour -- alone could save GM $300 million to $500 million a year. Each UAW GM local would have to negotiate its own deal, but sources say the Lordstown talks could become an important precedent. Says a source close to GM: "The changes you see in Lordstown could foreshadow what you see in the rest of GM's contracts." Unprecedented concessions Traditionally, local union leaders negotiate each plant's work rules in the same year the UAW bargains new labor contracts with GM, Ford Motor Co. and the Chrysler group. The national negotiations, which cover wages and benefits, get all the media attention. But local work rules have a big effect on each plant's productivity. And this year the Detroit 3 are demanding unprecedented concessions. "There's a lot of negotiating going on right now -- not just at GM, but Ford and Chrysler as well," says Laurie Harbour-Felax, a manufacturing consultant who is president of Harbour-Felax Group in suburban Detroit. "They need to get their labor agreements to be as competitive as possible." A similar plant-by-plant cost-cutting program launched last year by Ford could generate more than $600 million in annual savings. An agreement signed last year at just one plant -- Ford's Rouge assembly plant in Dearborn, Mich. -- will save $100 million a year. A GM source confirmed True North's existence, but declined an on-the-record interview. Lordstown appears to be a test site in part because it produces small cars -- a product segment that has not been profitable for the Detroit 3. No guarantees UAW Local 1112, which represents about 2,600 workers at Lordstown assembly, already has accepted some changes on behalf of some members who make headliners for Lear Corp. The Lear workers accepted a five-year pay freeze and eased work rules, and agreed to $12 weekly benefit co-pays. Those workers also agreed that skilled-trades workers would assume additional duties, such as sweeping the floors, without any change in pay. But Rich Rankin, Local 1112's Lear shop chairman, says he still is worried that Lordstown might lose the next-generation Cobalt. "Everybody is very nervous and on edge," Rankin says. "We're just fed up. We keep giving and giving with no guarantees." Other plants face similar cuts. At the Fairfax assembly plant in Kansas City, Kan., GM's cost-cutting target is $54 million. GM wants to shift about 20 percent of the work now performed by UAW members to outside contractors, says Jeff Manning, president of UAW Local 31. That would affect about 500 of the plant's 2,500 union jobs, he said. Outside workers would assemble doors, wheels and engines. Outsiders also would operate forklifts and handle janitorial jobs. In exchange for the loss of those high-paying jobs, Fairfax would get a shot at a replacement vehicle when the plant stops producing the Chevrolet Malibu and Malibu Maxx and Saturn Aura in 2011. Management sacrifice? But Manning says the rank-and-file might not approve True North unless GM management shares the financial sacrifice. "It's going to be tough," he said. "It'd be far easier if management shared in the $54 million." GM has been cagey about its future plans for each assembly plant. Even if workers at Fairfax and Lordstown embrace True North, GM is not guaranteeing that those plants will stay open, union officials say. GM has not threatened to shut Lordstown if the plant's hourly workers refuse to budge. But UAW leaders know they're in a predicament. "They're asking us to come up with these new work rules, but with no guarantee of a product," says Dave Green, president of UAW 1714, which represents Lordstown's stamping plant. "That's one of the sticking points. Everybody is on pins and needles." *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 2) Are mobile phones wiping out our bees? "Scientists claim radiation from handsets are to blame for mysterious 'colony collapse' of bees..." By Geoffrey Lean and Harriet Shawcross Published: 15 April 2007 http://news.independent.co.uk/environment/wildlife/article2449968.ece It seems like the plot of a particularly far-fetched horror film. But some scientists suggest that our love of the mobile phone could cause massive food shortages, as the world's harvests fail. They are putting forward the theory that radiation given off by mobile phones and other hi-tech gadgets is a possible answer to one of the more bizarre mysteries ever to happen in the natural world - the abrupt disappearance of the bees that pollinate crops. Late last week, some bee-keepers claimed that the phenomenon - which started in the US, then spread to continental Europe - was beginning to hit Britain as well. The theory is that radiation from mobile phones interferes with bees' navigation systems, preventing the famously home loving species from finding their way back to their hives. Improbable as it may seem, there is now evidence to back this up. Colony Collapse Disorder (CCD) occurs when a hive's inhabitants suddenly disappear, leaving only queens, eggs and a few immature workers, like so many apian Mary Celestes. The vanished bees are never found, but thought to die singly far from home. The parasites, wildlife and other bees that normally raid the honey and pollen left behind when a colony dies, refuse to go anywhere near the abandoned hives. The alarm was first sounded last autumn, but has now hit half of all American states. The West Coast is thought to have lost 60 per cent of its commercial bee population, with 70 per cent missing on the East Coast. CCD has since spread to Germany, Switzerland, Spain, Portugal, Italy and Greece. And last week John Chapple, one of London's biggest bee-keepers, announced that 23 of his 40 hives have been abruptly abandoned. Other apiarists have recorded losses in Scotland, Wales and north-west England, but the Department of the Environment, Food and Rural Affairs insisted: "There is absolutely no evidence of CCD in the UK." The implications of the spread are alarming. Most of the world's crops depend on pollination by bees. Albert Einstein once said that if the bees disappeared, "man would have only four years of life left". No one knows why it is happening. Theories involving mites, pesticides, global warming and GM crops have been proposed, but all have drawbacks. German research has long shown that bees' behaviour changes near power lines. Now a limited study at Landau University has found that bees refuse to return to their hives when mobile phones are placed nearby. Dr Jochen Kuhn, who carried it out, said this could provide a "hint" to a possible cause. Dr George Carlo, who headed a massive study by the US government and mobile phone industry of hazards from mobiles in the Nineties, said: "I am convinced the possibility is real." The case against handsets Evidence of dangers to people from mobile phones is increasing. But proof is still lacking, largely because many of the biggest perils, such as cancer, take decades to show up. Most research on cancer has so far proved inconclusive. But an official Finnish study found that people who used the phones for more than 10 years were 40 per cent more likely to get a brain tumour on the same side as they held the handset. Equally alarming, blue-chip Swedish research revealed that radiation from mobile phones killed off brain cells, suggesting that today's teenagers could go senile in the prime of their lives. Studies in India and the US have raised the possibility that men who use mobile phones heavily have reduced sperm counts. And, more prosaically, doctors have identified the condition of "text thumb", a form of RSI from constant texting. Professor Sir William Stewart, who has headed two official inquiries, warned that children under eight should not use mobiles and made a series of safety recommendations, largely ignored by ministers. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 3) Young People and the War in Iraq By JANET ELDER NY Times, April 17, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/17/us/politics/18web-elder.html?8dpc The younger generation is opposed to the war in Iraq, right? Wrong. Actually, they're divided on the war, far more so than their grandparents, according to a New York Times/CBS News Poll in March. Seems younger people are more supportive of the war and the president than any other age group. Forty-eight percent of Americans 18 to 29 years old said the United States did the right thing in taking military action against Iraq, while 45 percent said the United States should have stayed out. That is in sharp contrast to the opinions of those 65 and older, who have lived through many other wars. Twenty eight percent of that age group said the United States did the right thing, while 67 percent said the United States should have stayed out. This is nothing new, said John Mueller, author of "War, Presidents and Public Opinion," and a professor of political science at Ohio State University. "This is a pattern that is identical to what we saw in Korea and Vietnam, younger people are more likely to support what the president is doing," he said. A review of the March poll suggests Mr. Mueller has a point. Overall, 34 percent of Americans said they approved of the way the president was handling his job, and 58 percent disapproved. But younger Americans were more approving than older Americans. Forty percent of 18-29 year olds said Mr. Bush was doing a good job, while 56 percent said he was not. While 29 percent of people 65 and older said they approved of the way Mr. Bush was handling his job as president, 62 percent said they did not. The nationwide telephone poll was conducted March 7-11 with 1,362 adults and has a margin of sampling error of plus or minus three percentage points. A look back at the Vietnam years showed a similar divide between young and old. Older Americans were defined as 50 and older, but the comparison is still apt. In October 1968, when Hubert Humphrey, Richard Nixon and George Wallace were running for president, a Gallup poll found that about half, 52 percent, of people under the age of 30 supported the war in Vietnam. But among those 50 and older, 26 percent supported the war. Some of the respondents to the March poll were called back to talk about the differences between the young and the not so young. "Experience," "the draft," "other wars," were mentioned by respondents on both sides of the generational divide. Mildred Jenkins, 68, a retired telephone operator from Somerville Tennessee, said: "We've experienced more than the younger people. Older people are wiser. We've seen war and we know." Ms. Jenkins said she usually votes Republican but "may go Democratic this time." More than one person who lived through the Vietnam war mentioned the draft and the absence of one for this war. "It's because of life experience," said Jimmie Powell, 73, a bartender and factory worker from El Reno, Oklahoma. "I don't think younger people really know a whole lot about anything. They don't care because there is no draft. If there were a draft, we'd finally have the revolution we need." Mr. Powell describes himself as a political independent. Some of the younger respondents said they were more aggressive than their elders by virtue of age. "I think old people tend to want to solve things more diplomatically than younger, more gung ho types," said Mary Jackson, 28 a homemaker from Brewton, Alabama. "Younger people are more combative." Younger people are also more optimistic. Forty-nine percent of them said the United States was either very likely or somewhat likely to succeed in Iraq, while only 34 percent of older people said the same thing. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 4) Denying the Right to Choose April 19, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/19/opinion/19thu1.html?_r=1&hp&oref=slogin Among the major flaws in yesterday’s Supreme Court decision giving the federal government power to limit a woman’s right to make decisions about her health was its fundamental dishonesty. Under the modest-sounding guise of following existing precedent, the majority opinion — written by Justice Anthony Kennedy and joined by Chief Justice John Roberts and Justices Clarence Thomas, Antonin Scalia and Samuel Alito — gutted a host of thoughtful lower federal court rulings, not to mention past Supreme Court rulings. It severely eroded the constitutional respect and protection accorded to women and the personal decisions they make about pregnancy and childbirth. The justices went so far as to eviscerate the crucial requirement, which dates to the 1973 ruling in Roe v. Wade, that all abortion regulations must have an exception to protect a woman’s health. As far as we know, Mr. Kennedy and his four colleagues responsible for this atrocious result are not doctors. Yet these five male justices felt free to override the weight of medical evidence presented during the several trials that preceded the Supreme Court showdown. Instead, they ratified the politically based and dangerously dubious Congressional claim that criminalizing the intact dilation and extraction method of abortion in the second trimester of pregnancy — the so-called partial-birth method — would never pose a significant health risk to a woman. In fact, the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists has found the procedure to be medically necessary in certain cases. Justice Kennedy actually reasoned that banning the procedure was good for women in that it would protect them from a procedure they might not fully understand in advance and would probably come to regret. This way of thinking, that women are flighty creatures who must be protected by men, reflects notions of a woman’s place in the family and under the Constitution that have long been discredited, said a powerful dissenting opinion by Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, joined by Justices John Paul Stevens, David Souter and Stephen Breyer. Far from being compelled by the court’s precedents, Justice Ginsburg aptly objected, the new ruling is so at odds with its jurisprudence — including a concurring opinion by Justice Sandra Day O’Connor (who has now been succeeded by Justice Alito) when a remarkably similar state abortion ban was struck down just seven years ago — that it should not have staying power. For anti-abortion activists, this case has never been about just one controversial procedure. They have correctly seen it as a wedge that could ultimately be used to undermine and perhaps eliminate abortion rights eventually. The court has handed the Bush administration and other opponents of women’s reproductive rights the big political victory they were hoping to get from the conservative judges Mr. Bush has added to the bench. It comes at a real cost to the court’s credibility, its integrity and the rule of law. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 5) Frolicking Visitor Delights Hearts, Then Dies By ANTHONY RAMIREZ and ANN FARMER April 19, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/19/nyregion/19whale.html?ref=nyregion A 12-foot-long whale that had surfaced and frolicked near the mouth of the Gowanus Canal on Tuesday, delighting and surprising even the most hardened of Brooklyn residents, died yesterday, officials said. The whale — a minke, the second-smallest whale species — had been thought to be in good health because it was not surfacing erratically. Like other ocean mammals, whales must surface to breathe. Shortly before 5 p.m., during low tide, it was seen churning in the water. Teri Frady, a spokeswoman for the Fisheries Service of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, said, “It swam by a bulkhead” near the canal’s mouth, “thrashed a little, and then expired.” Neither its age nor sex were known. Earlier in the day, biologists speculated that the whale might have followed krill or another food source into the Gowanus Canal, whose polluted waters have cleared somewhat in recent years. Kim Durham, the rescue program director for the Riverhead Foundation for Marine Research and Preservation, which arranges for rescues of dolphins and other sea animals, said the dying whale apparently beached itself after hitting rocks near a Hess oil refinery. Ms. Durham said she received an urgent phone call from researchers at the scene. “ ‘Kim, there’s a lot of splashing going on across the waterway,’ ” Ms. Durham recalled the researchers saying. “ ‘We’re going to check it out.’ Our team got on scene and the animal was dead.” The Riverhead team secured the whale’s carcass with ropes so it would not float out to sea, Ms. Durham said. The Army Corps of Engineers is scheduled to transport the carcass, which weighs several tons, to its Caven Point center in New Jersey, across from Liberty Island. A necropsy is scheduled for today, Ms. Durham said. Word of the whale’s death reached Ms. Frady minutes after in a telephone interview in which she described the difficulties of rescuing an ill or hungry animal the size of a whale. “The animal’s not going to sit there and let you net it,” she said. Big nets might pull human rescuers into the water, Ms. Frady said. A flotilla of boats might not be able to coax the whale back to sea. And if the whale is sick, the trauma of the rescue attempt may hasten its death, Ms. Frady said. A minke (pronounced MINK-ee) is the smallest of the whales, except for the pygmy whales, according to Diana Reiss, a senior research scientist at the New York Aquarium. The largest whale, the blue whale, can reach 100 feet and weigh more than 100 tons. The minke is a fast-swimming and inquisitive species, and adult males can reach 26 feet and females 33 feet. For two days, the whale had been an object of admiration. Parents brought small children, whale watchers brought binoculars and photographers brought long lenses to the areas overlooking the canal. Debra Clarke, 36, an apartment and office organizer, arrived in the early evening yesterday only to learn of the whale’s death. “We just came hoping for good news,” she said, noting that she and her friends had spent most of the day watching broadcast news of the Virginia Tech massacre. “After Virginia, you come here rooting for the whale. You hope that something g ood has to happen, because it turns out these are days for tears.” *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 6) About Shaquanda Cotton: an interview with Terry Howcott John Calvin Jones "Editor's note: The recent story of Shaquanda Cotton, sentenced to seven years in a juvenile prison for her first offense, pushing a hall monitor at her high school in Paris, Texas, raises a number of social policy issues. Though Ms. Cotton was just released, given the revelations of abuses in the Texas Penal System, where youths were forced to have sex with guards, thousands of others are trapped behind bars and are being tracked for prison as we speak. Many people sought to shed light on the Shaquanda Cotton case and secure her release. One such woman was Terry Howcott. I was able to interview Ms. Howcott and get her thoughts on the Shaquanda Cotton affair and more." 2007-04-09 http://www.virtualcitizens.com/articles/About_Shaquanda_Cotton__an_interview_with_Terry_Howcott Terry Lynn Howcott, MSW, is an educator and activist. She lives in Detroit, constantly working on matters of social justice and resisting discrimination and bigotries against people based upon their race, culture gender, what she calls “attractional orientation” and any number of other areas of oppression. She is the founder, co-builder and host of the website, terryhowcott.com John Calvin Jones: Ms. Howcott, tell us about your orientation on the topic of social justice and where you see that we need to work, in order to improve the lives of us all? Terry Howcott: Thank you and I appreciate your thinking of me for this interview. A discussion of social justice or lack thereof is so vast that one’s orientation almost requires one be somewhat disoriented or off balance. There are so many paths that the oppressor uses to clamp down on so many of us that it’s hard even for those of us who think we know a little something to wrap our brains around the magnitude. Somewhere I decided that too many people were preaching to the choir, i.e. activists, intellectuals, and others talking to themselves about racism, sexism, intra race bigotry and other forms of oppression, and that not enough work was being done to plant some seeds with folk who really don’t “get it.” I don’t have any magical ideas as to how we move from gathering together and agreeing with one another into a more mature community organizing model – but out of desperation terryhowcott.com was born which, in a nutshell, says that Black unity has to be unconditional. So far, we have placed so many barriers and controls against African people that we never even hear the word “unity” uttered anymore. Too many have actually pulled back from Black unity concepts that authentic unity might never be realized. To insist upon a partial coming together is an unhealthy thing and is not a valid approach to Black liberation. So, with my website, I hope to forge ahead as my numbers grow – and things are looking good – toward the planning of the first annual “Broad and Black” Family Reunion. JCJ: I had the pleasure of hearing you during an interview you had on KPFT (kpft.org), the Pacifica Radio station of Houston, Texas. You were discussing the case of Shaquanda Cotton, what can you tell us about Ms. Cotton and her current circumstances? TH: Shaquanda Cotton is a 15 year-old Black girl-child, who was sentenced and imprisoned for shoving a hall monitor at her school in Paris, Texas. Having heard about it, and perusing online I saw other people writing on the subject, but thought there were some additional points that ought to be raised. Of course, we know intuitively that the environment in Texas and in the South is especially oppressive. So a child who might already have social difficulties growing up in a racist, unsupportive environment would naturally be a prime candidate to act out, by pushing or shoving someone. But why was she picked out and given such a harsh sentence? We know that her mother, Ms. Creola Cotton, had long been an outspoken resister to racist practices, and the elder Ms. Cotton has reported problems in Paris, Texas for some time. And we also know the effects of racism and oppression on Shaquanda, since her incarceration we know that `Shaquanda has tried to hurt herself in prison. JCJ: Before we go further, tell us why you care about what happened to Shaquanda or her future. I mean, she is not related to you is she? TH: For me, Shaquanda is closer than kin. This teenage girl is a reflection of who I am, and vice versa. Her Black girlhood is my history just as much as I want to believe that my Black womanhood is her future. Let me give an anecdote. I was at a grocery store today, and after I got to the line, I realized I had forgotten something. I laid my stuff down and ran back to the aisle. When I returned, two women had joined the line, the one in front with a few items and the gracious one in the rear granted me space to get back to my place after I explained. The one in front, rolled her eyes and said “we don’t use food to hold our place in line here.” When I posed to her a quick diagnosis of her problem (that being that she was suffering some control dilemmas combined with old-time racism) she took her little hand basket and proceeded to slam it on top of my food, three times! The sister almost turned my grapes to grape juice. At that very moment, I felt Shaquanda’s spirit pass through me as I explained angrily to that woman “violence is no fun unless all parties get to participate.” I calmed down, but these kinds of incidents that we have suffered in some form or fashion inform us that Shaquanda might have experienced harassment, or some social intrusion that she might not be able to identify given her age and socio- political unawareness. I see Shaquanda and her case as an example where a young girl reacted in a manner that was meant to push away, shove and reject these types of subtle or overt acts of indignity and attitudes on our behalf. JCJ: When I heard your interview, you said that few details are known about the incident involving Shaquanda. Then you added, we do not know the background of the White man whom she supposedly pushed. From your perspective, as Black woman, as a Social Work Practitioner with a critical eye, tell us why you see questions of background as significant? TH: A person’s background and the social context, just as is the case with history, means everything. All events leading to a particular offense can change and rearrange our perceptions of what we think we know. Investigation of the facts is critical to our ability to reason and make proper decisions. We should know why Shaquanda chose to shove that particular guard. What did this hall monitor say to Shaquanda just before Shaquanda reacted? What, if any, past issues or incidents did these two have? What is the history of this hall guard with other Black and Brown students? I submit that a less than thorough exploration or law enforcement and school or organizational decision-making often mean that the officials in charge are exercising a deliberate misuse of power. They manipulate events or hide relevant facts that in turn generate criminal convictions that can destroy people’s lives. JCJ: On Democracy Now, Amy Goodman alluded to the fact that Shaquanda was singled out because her mother complained about racism in the schools in Paris, Texas, what do you know about that? TH: I only know of various press accounts about how Shaquanda’s mother, Creola, complained to the school board about racism in the schools in Paris, Texas. But from a larger perspective, I know first-hand of the overt and subtle reactions we receive when we challenge White superiority and racism, be it with institutions like schools or in private relationships with colleagues and friends. We know that even the most progressive White people can be incapable of evaluating their own bigotries unless they have discovered them on their own – which is often rare. We also know that too frequently, White people will pull back, become cold, stone like, emotionally unavailable if you raise issues of race or White Supremacy. If Creola Cotton pushed these school officials, and they reacted as most do, becoming defensive and resentful for hearing about their own bigotries, it is likely that they retaliated and Shaquanda was punished as a result. Instead of considering the complaints of the Cotton family in earnest, and accepting criticism in a way to construct an authentic learning environment, they retaliated, and struck out with the tool of punishment instead of healing. JCJ: What about Shaquanda, and the message the school administrators and the courts sent to her directly? TH: We can presume that Shaquanda is in tune with her mother’s questions and concerns. As such, we can suspect that Shaquanda might have also accused her hall monitors, teachers or school personnel of being racist. As we know, the status quo in this country is weak with fear of debate – especially over the top of racism and White Supremacy. So much of this fear manifests as discussions about control and regulating behavior of others. For example, recently the National Institute of Mental Health provided a report that gave suggestions as to what parents could do to keep their children “from being bad.” Authors of the NIMH report actually considered evidence of children being “bad” to include their being “argumentative.” So the position from government officials and Mental Health professionals is that a child who is smart enough to ask questions is “bad.” We will never find cures for cancer and AIDS if we allow schools to farm our children like ears of corn – depriving them of a sense of inquisitiveness and ability to challenge status quo positions on a given issue. From what I can see, this is how Shaquanda’s schools is and was operating. Any allegations by the school system that they were concerned about Shaquanda’s conduct, so much so, that they had to have this girl who had no criminal record, arrested and sent to prison, probably had more to do with this child claiming her right to share her thoughts. Fighting for the right of our children to speak their minds is our duty. As we can tell, even from the “Bong Hits for Jesus” case in the Supreme Court, no school administrators will ever side with children and their creativity and independence. JCJ: Shaquanda Cotton is from Paris, Texas (Northeast of Dallas and close to the Oklahoma border), but she is housed in a prison in Brownwood, Texas (275 miles to the Southwest), in the middle of Texas Brownwood is not even near a major airport. Hence Creola Cotton, Shaquanda’s mother, could not visit her often. My understanding is that such a practice is common, namely housing prisoners as far from their families as possible. Tell us what you know about the practice in general and how it affects both the incarcerated and the families. TH: I am glad that you raise that issue. We see similar conduct where I live in Michigan. In Detroit we had a Police Chief, Jerry Oliver, who proposed, on behalf of Detroit’s Mayor Kwame Kilpatrick, a program that would transport Detroit-area prisoners to other states. I had never seen such a vengeance-hearted policy. Of course we know that this practice of commodifying prisoners feeds the very corporations that strive to humiliate and victimize prisoners beyond the basic circumstances of imprisonment. In her particular case, the further away that Shaquanda is and was from her family and community, the less love and support she had via her Grandmother, Mother and other loved ones and friends. Shipping Shaquanda or any prisoners, so far from home, is an attempt to damage her psychologically, and serves as a microcosm of what is happening to our community at-large. Shaquanda and youths like her are considered future crop for corporate devils who work to create a steady flow of younger and younger Black bodies into their private prison system. I once wrote a paper on prisons. Through my research I learned that these private-prison corporations and their parent companies lobbies Congress against Head Start Programs, knowing full well that studies suggest children who engage Head Start are less likely to go to prison. Those who prey on Black and Brown and the poor actually lobby against good social policy and educational opportunities for Brothers and Sisters who are particularly at risk of being netted into prison. Thus the retaliation against the resistance offered by Creola Cotton came with the same message: “not only will we will get you, but we will get you by isolating Shaquanda and making it as unlikely as possible that she will be a success in her future.” JCJ: I see Shaquanda Cotton as a symbol for a larger complex of pathologies. That is, she attended a public school, in a system that is run more like a prison than a sanctuary for learning, and the State of Texas – like others, forces students to learn thousands of unintegrated facts and prepare to take multiple choices tests, which is really about teaching obedience over creativity. From your experience and perspective, comment about what you see happening in our schools and to masses of young people? TH: Our young people are rightfully unhappy in today’s public schools. We should point out that schools were never really made for us, Black and Browns. The highest ideal, of the public school as a place to develop future leaders through a classical or liberal arts education was not intended to benefit us. Further as the school system has split and created the Black and Brown, mindless skill track – designed to create a vocational class of passive workers – is not made for our styles of learning. Moreover, the schools have never been structured in a way that allows for truth telling. Black children are born to tell truths because truth is a reflection of their intelligence. However, Black children are acculturated to telling lies after matriculating into these schools. That is, we learn to discount our own reality and encouraged to believe that Martin Luther King, Jr. said that race is unimportant or should not be recognized or that the U.S. is not an imperialist nation. Like Kanye West said after Katrina, “George Bush doesn’t care about Black people.” We all see it. New Orleans and the entire Gulf Region have not been rebuilt, but billions are spent on war in Iraq and Afghanistan. When our public schools do not incorporate this neglect of our people into their lessons and truths, Black children learn that they are undervalued. I am not saying there aren’t some children, Black and White who learn dishonesty before they enroll in school, but I think you get my drift. JCJ: Your website is massive and has hundreds of links, news articles, stories, and commentaries. How did you put it together and what do you hope to do with it? TH: Well, I did that with a lot of help from some special people – a committee I formed to help prop me up and advise me, some of whom were Detroiters and others were monitoring and loving the process from afar. I envisioned its parts and researched and wrote artists and museums and photographers around the world begging for use of their wares, found an amazing site builder who saw the vision, loved what I had collected - and the rest is history. JCJ: Returning to the specifics and generalities of Shaquanda Cotton, I know that a few web pages encourage others to write to the judge who sentenced her, asking for mercy. But it seems to me, that such is like asking a member of the KKK to remove the rope during a lynching. Are there not a host of other strategies that are more practical and far reaching? What do you think? TH: I believe in the art of protest, and I strongly believe that it is important to protest and keep old anger flowing out to make room for what will enrage us soon thereafter. I also think that oppressive people generally only listen to other oppressive people. So one of them is going to have to say “Buck” or “Jeb” I think we gotta’ let that old Black girl go.” This is why at my page, I suggested contacting some of the folks who will be spending money in Texas this Spring Summer. Also, I think a day off from work from all the Black folk and their allies in Texas could cripple that state. That could help draw that first wave of attention to a national strike. As working people we hold the purse strings, much like a legislature, except we have the potential to have an immediate effect and we have much more courage than any legislators to stand up against economic power and oppression. JCJ: Is there anything more that you would like to add when you reflect on the Shaquanda Cotton case, and a wide range of social, economic and political issues that are manifest in her ordeal? Thankfully, due to social pressure and public scrutiny, Shaquanda was recently released. TH: Well, perhaps the most important thing is that I hope Shaquanda Cotton’s Mother, Creola, and Grandmother are holding themselves together with what must be a devastating and heartbreaking experience for them. The school system, the prosecutors and all those involved with this case must pay reparations to this family. Shaquanda Cotton needs some good strong professional support, cultural engagement and loads of tender loving care after this experience. I think that Shaquanda’s situation and the quality of response to her case with Black bloggers, radio hosts and others is indicative of the larger matter that people are really tired. Hopefully, the redress given Shaquanda can egg on Black people and other activists in this country to take the offensive saying: “We’re going to shoot back at oppression. We can take your best shot, and we will come back.” Lastly, I think that this nation is in a dangerous position considering that the president has made moves so that he can declare Martial Law more easily. G. W. Bush is a deeply troubled ideologue who might want to lock this country down and recreate it in his own image. I hope that we don’t fall for what appears to be exactly what he and his handlers want – that is violence. Bush is a man who has proven that he has no problem with ordering the killing a whole lot of innocent people, issuing orders for torture, and who is as ruthless and heartless as I have seen in my lifetime. Thank you. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 7) Girl in prison for shove released By Howard Witt Tribune senior correspondent March 31, 2007, 8:41 PM CDT http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/nationworld/chi-070331shaquanda,1,2079171,print.story?coll=chi-news-hed&ctrack=2&cset=true HOUSTON -- After spending a year behind bars, Shaquanda Cotton walked out of a central Texas youth prison Saturday pretty much like many 15-year-olds would: eager for a hug from her mom and pining for a Big Mac. So McDonald's was the first stop for the soft-spoken black teenager, who was abruptly released by Texas officials after nationwide civil rights protests erupted over her sentence of up to 7 years for shoving a teacher's aide at her high school. "I feel like I have a second chance," she said, moments after devouring her hamburger. "I'm going to be a better person now. I'm a good person, but I want to be a better person." Soon after the restaurant stop, though, Cotton and her mother Creola headed out on the five-hour drive from the prison in Brownwood back home to Paris, the small northeast Texas town that has been roiled by protests and racial acrimony over her case and broader allegations of racial discrimination in the town's schools and courts. What reception awaits the teenager there in coming days is anyone's guess, but her mother says she is concerned. "I don't want to place my daughter in danger," Creola Cotton said. "I hope we can stay in Paris because this is where my family is. I would hate to have to pick up and leave." At the heart of the controversy, which exploded across hundreds of Internet blogs and then scores of newspapers and radio and TV stations in the last three weeks, was the seeming severity of the teenager's sentence for an offense that caused no documentable injury to the teacher's aide. Three months before Cotton, who had no prior criminal record, was sentenced by Paris Judge Chuck Superville in March, 2006, to up to seven years in youth prison for the shoving incident, Superville sentenced a 14-year -old white girl convicted of the more serious crime of arson to probation. Later, when the white teenager violated her probation, Superville gave her yet another chance and declined to send her to prison. Only when the youth violated her probation a second time did the judge order her locked up. School officials, the Paris district attorney and the judge have all strongly denied that race played a role in the prosecution and sentencing of Cotton. But her case has coincided with an ongoing investigation of the Paris school district by the U.S. Department of Education, which is examining allegations that the district systemically discriminates against black students by disciplining them more frequently and more harshly than whites. The furor over Cotton's case caused the special conservator now in charge of the Texas Youth Commission, the state's juvenile prison system, to examine it more closely last week, at the urging of civil rights leaders. The conservator, Jay Kimbrough, who is charged with completely overhauling the Texas Youth Commission because of a spreading sex scandal involving prison officials who allegedly coerced sex from inmates, decided Friday that Shaquanda merited immediate release. Kimbrough said his decision was not based on the circumstances of the teenager's prosecution and sentence but rather on the arbitrary way in which her indeterminate sentence had been extended by prison authorities since she had been incarcerated. Authorities penalized her because she was found with "contraband" in her cell—an extra pair of socks. "The TYC staff brought that file in to me [Friday] morning and were so surprised by what they saw that they felt like immediate action was justified, and I supported that wholeheartedly," Kimbrough said. Cotton was the first of an estimated 400 juveniles incarcerated across the state whom Kimbrough has ordered released, beginning Monday. Those youths have all satisfied their minimum sentences and have committed no serious violations while in custody. Kimbrough has also convened a special review panel to examine the sentences of all 4,700 juveniles in Texas Youth Commission custody, with the goal of releasing any whose sentences have been unjustly extended by prison authorities. "This is the right thing to do and TYC could have and should have done it long before Mr. Kimbrough took over," said Will Harrell, executive director of the Texas chapter of the ACLU. "Shaquanda was the first domino, but there will be hundreds if not thousands to follow." hwitt@tribune.com *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 8) The Plot Against Medicare By PAUL KRUGMAN Op-Ed Columnist April 20, 2007 http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/20/opinion/20krugman.html?hp The plot against Social Security failed: President Bush’s attempt to privatize the system crashed and burned when the public realized what he was up to. But the plot against Medicare is faring better: the stealth privatization embedded in the Medicare Modernization Act, which Congress literally passed in the dead of night back in 2003, is proceeding apace. Worse yet, the forces behind privatization not only continue to have the G.O.P. in their pocket, but they have also been finding useful idiots within the newly powerful Democratic coalition. And it’s not just politicians with an eye on campaign contributions. There’s no nice way to say it: the NAACP and the League of United Latin American Citizens have become patsies for the insurance industry. To appreciate what’s going on, you need to know what has been happening to Medicare in the last few years. The 2003 Medicare legislation created Part D, the drug benefit for seniors — but unlike the rest of Medicare, Part D isn’t provided directly by the government. Instead, you can get it only through a private drug plan, provided by an insurance company. At the same time, the bill sharply increased payments to Medicare Advantage plans, which also funnel Medicare funds through insurance companies. As a result, Medicare — originally a system in which the government paid people’s medical bills — is becoming, instead, a system in which the government pays the insurance industry to provide coverage. And a lot of the money never makes it to the people Medicare is supposed to help. In the case of the drug benefit, the private drug plans add an extra, costly layer of bureaucracy. Worse yet, they have much less ability to bargain for lower drug prices than government programs like Medicaid and the Veterans Health Administration. Reasonable estimates suggest that if Congress had eliminated the middlemen, it could have created a much better drug plan — one without the notorious “doughnut hole,” the gap in coverage once your annual expenses exceed $2,400 per year — at no higher cost. Meanwhile, those Medicare Advantage plans cost taxpayers 12 percent more per recipient than standard Medicare. In the next five years that subsidy will cost more than $50 billion — about what it would cost to provide all children in America with health insurance. Some of that $50 billion will be passed on to seniors in extra benefits, but a lot of it will go to overhead, marketing expenses and profits. With the Democratic victory last fall, you might have expected these things to change. But the political news over the last few days has been grim. First, the Senate failed to end debate on a bill — in effect, killing it — that would have allowed Medicare to negotiate over drug prices. The bill was too weak to have allowed Medicare to get large discounts. Still, it would at least have established the principle of using government bargaining power to get a better deal. But in spite of overwhelming public support for price negotiation, 42 senators, all Republicans, voted no on allowing the bill to go forward. If we can’t even establish the principle of negotiation, a true repair of the damage done in 2003 — which would require having Medicare offer seniors the option of getting their drug coverage directly, without involving the insurance companies — seems politically far out of reach. At the same time, attempts to rein in those Medicare Advantage payments seem to be running aground. Everyone knew that reducing payments would be politically tough. What comes as a bitter surprise is the fact that minority advocacy groups are now part of the problem, with both the NAACP and the League of United Latin American Citizens sending letters to Congressional leaders opposing plans to scale back the subsidy. What seems to have happened is that both groups have been taken in by insurance industry disinformation, which falsely claims that minorities benefit disproportionately from this subsidy. It’s a claim that has been thoroughly debunked in a study by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities — but apparently the truth isn’t getting through. Public opinion is strongly in favor of universal health care, and for good reason: fear of losing health insurance has become a constant anxiety of the middle class. Yet even as we talk about guaranteeing insurance to all, privatization is undermining Medicare — and people who should know better are aiding and abetting the process. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 9) U.S. Releases Cuban Bombing Suspect By ANTHONY DePALMA April 20, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/20/world/americas/20posada.html?_r=1&ref=world&oref=slogin A 79-year-old anti-Castro Cuban exile and former C.I.A. operative linked to the bombing of a Cuban airliner was released on bail yesterday and immediately returned to Miami to await trial on immigration fraud charges. The man, Luis Posada Carriles, was released from the Otero County Prison in Chaparral, N.M., after posting a $350,000 bond on the immigration charges. His release infuriated the authorities in Cuba and Venezuela, who have been trying to extradite him to stand trial over the 1976 airliner bombing, which killed 73 people, including several teenage members of Cuba’s national fencing team. The United States Justice Department had tried unsuccessfully to prevent his release, arguing that his escape from a Venezuelan prison in 1985 increased the risk that he might flee before the scheduled start of his trial on immigration charges on May 11. The court rejected the Justice Department’s argument, but it increased security measures by ordering Mr. Posada to be fitted with an ankle bracelet to track his whereabouts. He was ordered to remain under house detention with his wife in Miami until the immigration trial begins. Mr. Posada, a gray-haired former intelligence operative and United States Army officer, has been detained since May 2005, when he entered the United States illegally. President Hugo Chávez of Venezuela said Thursday in Caracas, “We demand that they extradite that terrorist and murderer to Venezuela, instead of protecting him.” Dagoberto Rodríguez Barrera, the chief of the Cuban Interests Section, Cuba’s diplomatic representation in Washington, told Agence France-Presse yesterday, “Cuba forcefully condemns this decision and holds the government of the United States totally responsible for the fact that Posada Carriles is free in Miami.” Prensa Latina, the Cuban news agency, reported last night that 50,000 people had gathered at a demonstration in Bayamo, a city in southeastern Cuba, to protest the release of Mr. Posada and to demand that he be tried for the jetliner bombing. The Cuban government has also accused Mr. Posada, an avowed opponent of the island’s Communist rule, of plotting to assassinate the Cuban leader, Fidel Castro, in Panama in 2000, and of planning a series of explosions in tourist hotels in Havana in 1997. Mr. Posada was jailed in Panama in connection with the attempt on Mr. Castro’s life but was later pardoned by Panamanian officials. He admitted, then later denied, that he had directed the wave of hotel bombings in 1997. He has also repeatedly denied responsibility for the bombing of the plane, known as Cubana Airlines Flight 455. The jet blew apart and crashed off the coast of Barbados on Oct. 6, 1976. Investigators in Venezuela, where Mr. Posada had been chief of operations in the secret intelligence police, traced at least one of the bombs to the plane’s luggage compartment. The investigators found that two Venezuelans had checked bags through to Havana but got off the plane at a scheduled stop in Barbados. The men had worked for Mr. Posada, who was arrested in Venezuela and charged with the bombing. He escaped from prison in 1985 dressed as a priest after associates bribed a guard. Cuban officials have accused the United States of hypocrisy in battling terrorists by not prosecuting Mr. Posada or deporting him to stand trial on terrorism charges in another country. They routinely refer to Mr. Posada as “the bin Laden of the Americas.” Mr. Posada’s shadowy past as a Central Intelligence Agency operative put the United States in a politically delicate position. In his early years, he had received military training in the United States and worked for the C.I.A. to bring down the Castro government. He participated in the failed Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961. Later he was involved in supplying arms to rebels in Nicaragua. The United States has acknowledged his long record of violent acts. In court papers filed in his immigration fraud case, the Justice Department described him as “an unrepentant criminal and admitted mastermind of terrorist plots.” Mr. Posada was detained in 2005 after he entered the United States on false pretenses. According to an indictment unsealed this year, he lied when he told border officials he had paid a smuggler to drive him from Mexico to Texas. He actually entered the country on a small boat. He also lied about using an alias. An immigration judge has blocked Mr. Posada’s extradition to Cuba or Venezuela, ruling that he could be subject to torture in those countries. Efforts to deport him to another country have failed because so far no other country has been willing to take him. His arrival in Miami yesterday afternoon set off mixed reactions among the area’s many Cuban exiles, who see him as both a patriot and an embarrassment. “We have been fighting this war on terror, and here we are releasing a man who has a history of terrorist acts and is a fugitive of justice in other countries,” said Elena Freyre, executive director of the Cuban-American Defense League, a moderate exile group in Miami. “It’s absolutely appalling.” But Miguel Saavedra, president of Vigilia Mambisa, a small, hard-line anti-Castro exile group, said he felt vindicated by Mr. Posada’s release on bail. “The only ones accusing him are the governments of Cuba and Venezuela,” Mr. Saavedra said. “They can only accuse him because they haven’t been able to prove anything. If he is sent to Cuba or Venezuela, it would be the equivalent of executing him.” Terry Aguayo contributed reporting from Miami. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 10) Union, in Organizing Fight, Tangles With Celebrity Cook By MARIAN BURROS April 20, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/20/us/20deen.html WASHINGTON, April 19 — Paula Deen, the Food Network’s ebullient queen of butter-drenched Southern cooking, has found herself in the middle of a dispute between Smithfield Foods Inc. and a union that has long tried to organize one of the company’s pork processing plants. As part of a national campaign to win support for its effort, the union, the United Food and Commercial Workers, is trying to get Ms. Deen to sever her ties to Smithfield, for which she has been a paid spokeswoman since last fall. Within the growing world of food-celebrity endorsements, Ms. Deen is the first personality to have become entangled in such a fight. The latest round of it took place on Wednesday night at the National Museum of Natural History here, where Ms. Deen, on a national book tour, made an appearance before a sold-out crowd. Outside, as promised, about two dozen people supporting unionization of the huge plant, in Tar Heel, N.C., held a prayer vigil as the audience arrived. Inside, as Ms. Deen responded later to questions that had been submitted to her in writing, a member of the union tried to speak to her from the audience and deliver a letter. That woman, Leila McDowell, and a former Smithfield worker, Lenore Bailey, were swiftly ushered out by museum guards. Ms. Deen, for her part, issued a news release in which she said, “Now, I’m not an expert on the union situation but here’s what I do know: I know the folks at Smithfield care about their employees and work hard to support the communities where they live, work and raise their families.” In 2004, the National Labor Relations Board found that Smithfield, through threats, spying and firings, had prevented fairness in a 1997 election in which the union failed to organize the Tar Heel plant. A federal appeals court upheld the decision last year, concluding that Smithfield had engaged in “intense and widespread coercion” and ordering reinstatement of four fired workers, one of whom had been beaten by the plant’s police on the day of the election. The effort to speak with Ms. Deen on Wednesday followed a letter to her from the North Carolina Council of Churches describing conditions at the plant and suggesting that she would not have signed with Smithfield if she had known about them. Quoting a report based on data from the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, it said worker injuries were up 200 percent since 2003. The company says its injury rate is no different from the industry average. The union says it will continue to demonstrate against Ms. Deen, though on a larger scale, wherever she goes on her book tour. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 11) Statement from the revolutionary government of Cuba Translated by Granma International Havana, April 19, 2007 http://www.granma.cu/ingles/2007/abril/vier20/17declara.html Cuba condemns the shameful decision to release terrorist Luis Posada Carriles and points to the United States government as the only one responsible for this cruel and despicable action, which seeks to buy the terrorist’s silence regarding his crimes in the service of the CIA, particularly during the time when Bush Sr. was that agency’s general director. With this decision, the U.S. government has ignored the clamor that has arisen throughout the world, including in the United States, against the impunity and political manipulation involved in this action. This decision is an insult to the people of Cuba and other nations who lost 73 of their sons and daughters in the abominable 1976 attack that brought down a Cubana de Aviación civilian airliner off the coast of Barbados. This decision is an insult to the people of the United States themselves, and a categorical refutation of the so-called "war on terrorism" declared by the government of President George W. Bush. The U.S. government had only to certify Luis Posada Carriles as a terrorist to prevent his release and, in line with Section 412 of the U.S. Patriot Act, to acknowledge that his release would "threaten the national security of the United States or the safety of the community or any person." The U.S. government could also have implemented the regulations enabling Immigration and Customs Enforcement to detain a foreigner who is not admissible to U.S. territory and subject to deportation. For that, it would have sufficed for U.S. authorities to have determined that Posada Carriles is a threat to the community, or that releasing him would involve a flight risk on his part. Why did the U.S. government allow the terrorist to enter U.S. territory with impunity, despite the warnings sounded by President Fidel Castro? Why did the U.S. government protect him during the months he remained illegally in its territory? Why, having all the elements to do otherwise, did it limit itself this past January 11 to charging him with lesser crimes, essentially immigration-related, and not with what he actually is: a murderer? Why is he being released, when Judge Kathleen Cardone herself, in her April 6 ruling ordering the release of the terrorist, admitted that he was accused of "...having been involved in, or associated with, some of the most infamous events" of the 20th century? Some of the events include "the Bay of Pigs invasion, the Iran-Contra affair, the 1976 bombing of Cubana Flight 455, the tourist bombings of 1997 in Havana, and even — according to some conspiracy theorists — the assassination of President John F. Kennedy." Why is the U.S. Homeland Security Department’s Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency not using the mechanisms it has at its disposal for maintaining the terrorist in prison, with the irrefutable argument, already used by the U.S. Attorney General’s office on a date as recent as this past March 19, that if he were released, there is a risk that he could flee? Why has the U.S. government ignored the extradition application submitted, in line with all relevant requirements, by the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela? How is it possible that today, the most notorious terrorist who has ever existed in this hemisphere is being released while five Cuban men remain in cruel imprisonment for the sole crime of fighting terrorism? For Cuba, the answer is clear. The terrorist’s release has been organized by the White House as compensation so that Posada Carriles will not divulge what he knows, so that he won’t talk about the countless secrets he holds in relation to his long career as an agent of the U.S. special services, in which he acted as part of Operation Condor, and in the dirty war against Cuba, Nicaragua and other nations in the world. The full responsibility for the terrorist’s release and the consequences deriving from it, fall directly on the United States government, and most particularly on the president of that country. Even now, after his release, the U.S. government has all the information and legal mechanisms to re-arrest him. All that is lacking is the political will to seriously combat terrorism, and to recall that, according to President Bush, "if you harbor a terrorist, if you support a terrorist, if you feed a terrorist, you will be as guilty as the terrorists." *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 12) U.S. Erects Baghdad Wall to Keep Sects Apart By EDWARD WONG and DAVID S. CLOUD April 21, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/21/world/middleeast/21iraq.html?ref=world BAGHDAD, April 20 — American military commanders in Baghdad are trying a radical new strategy to quell the widening sectarian violence by building a 12-foot-high, three-mile- long wall separating a historic Sunni enclave from Shiite neighborhoods. Soldiers in the Adhamiya district of northern Baghdad, a Sunni Arab stronghold, began construction of the wall last week and expect to finish it within a month. Iraqi Army soldiers would then control movement through a few checkpoints. The wall has already drawn intense criticism from residents of the neighborhood, who say that it will increase sectarian tensions and that it is part of a plan by the Shiite-led Iraqi government to box in the minority Sunnis. A doctor in Adhamiya, Abu Hassan, said the wall would transform the residents into caged animals. “It’s unbelievable that they treat us in such an inhumane manner,” he said in a telephone interview. “They’re trying to isolate us from other parts of Baghdad. The hatred will be much greater between the two sects.” “The Native Americans were treated better than us,” he added. The American military said in a written statement that “the wall is one of the centerpieces of a new strategy by coalition and Iraqi forces to break the cycle of sectarian violence.” As soldiers pushed forward with the construction, Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates insisted to the Iraqi government that it had to pass by late summer a series of measures long sought by the White House that were aimed at advancing reconciliation between the warring Sunni Arabs and Shiite Arabs. Whether Parliament meets that benchmark could affect a decision that the Bush administration plans to make in late summer on extending the nearly 30,000 additional troops ordered to Iraq earlier this year, Mr. Gates said. His words were the bluntest yet by an American official in tying the American military commitment here to the Iraqi political process. It reflected a growing frustration among Bush administration officials at Iraq’s failure to move on the political elements of the new strategy. President Bush’s new security plan here is aimed at buying time for the feuding Iraqi factions to come to political settlements that would, in theory, reduce the violence. In recent weeks, Democrats in Congress have been intensifying pressure on the president, through negotiations on financing for the war, to set political deadlines for the Iraqis and tie them to the withdrawal of American troops. Speaking to reporters after talks with the Iraqi prime minister, Nuri Kamal al-Maliki, Mr. Gates urged Parliament not to adjourn for a planned summer recess without passing legislation on sharing oil revenues, easing the purges of former Baath Party members from government positions and setting a date for provincial elections. “Our commitment to Iraq is long term, but it is not a commitment to have our young men and women patrolling Iraq’s streets open-endedly,” he said, adding that he told Mr. Maliki that “progress in reconciliation will be an important element of our evaluation in the late summer.” This is not the first time the Bush administration has set a timetable for Iraq to pass the reconciliation measures. Late last year, the White House gave the Iraqi government a goal of March to pass the legislation. March came and went, and senior administration officials shrugged off the missed target, saying it was counterproductive to press the Iraqis on the issue. Mr. Gates’s demand, with its strong hint of conditions attached, could force the Bush administration into a corner. If progress on the reconciliation measures proves impossible before the target date, as many Iraqi politicians say they believe, American officials will have to decide whether to follow through with the veiled threat. American military commanders have already indicated privately that it may be necessary to extend the troop reinforcements because the time between now and August is not be long enough for the new strategy to work. A senior White House official in Washington said that Mr. Gates had not threatened to remove American troops if Mr. Maliki cannot act by midsummer. Instead, the official argued, “He simply said what everyone has said, which is that the process of political accommodation has to speed up.” President Bush spoke with Mr. Maliki in a secure video conference on Monday morning and also emphasized the need to pass the legislation, aides said. Mr. Maliki’s office issued a statement on Friday saying that the prime minister was confident that steps toward reconciliation could be achieved this year. Mr. Gates delivered his message at the end of a week of major political turmoil and security setbacks for Mr. Maliki’s government. Mr. Maliki’s strongest political supporter, the firebrand Shiite cleric Moktada al-Sadr, withdrew his six ministers from the cabinet. Car bombs in Baghdad killed at least 171 people on Wednesday, puncturing Iraqi confidence in the security plan. Ceaseless violence is what led American commanders in Adhamiya to build a wall to break contact between Sunnis and Shiites. It is the first time the Americans have tried a project of that scope in Baghdad. The soldiers jokingly call it “The Great Wall of Adhamiya,” according to military officials. Commanders have sealed off a few other neighborhoods into what they call “gated communities,” but not with a lengthy wall. In the earlier efforts, American and Iraqi soldiers placed concrete barriers blocking off roads leading into the neighborhoods and left open one or more avenues of egress where people and vehicles were searched. Soldiers did that to a degree in the volatile district of Dora during a security push there last summer. More recently, American and Iraqi Army units have closed off almost all roads into the western Sunni Arab neighborhoods of Amiriya and Daoudi. Residents of Amiriya say violence dropped when the roads were first blocked off late last year, but has gradually increased again. Adhamiya is different, because it involves the building of a three-mile wall along streets on its eastern flank. It consists of a series of concrete barriers, each weighing 14,000 pounds, that have been transported down to Baghdad in flatbed trucks from Camp Taji, north of the city. Soldiers are using cranes to put the barriers in place. Once the wall is complete, Iraqi Army soldiers will operate entry and exit checkpoints, Capt. Marc Sanborn, a brigade engineer for the Second Brigade, 82nd Airborne Division, said in a news release on the project issued this week by the American military. The wall “is on a fault line of Sunni and Shia, and the idea is to curb some of the self-sustaining violence by controlling who has access to the neighborhoods,” Captain Sanborn said. Adhamiya has been rife with violence throughout the war. It is a stalwart Sunni Arab neighborhood, home to the hard-line Abu Hanifa mosque, and the last place where Saddam Hussein made a public appearance before he went into hiding in 2003. Shiite militiamen from Sadr City and other Shiite enclaves to the east often attack its residents, and Sunni insurgent groups battle there among themselves. “Shiites are coming in and hitting Sunnis, and Sunnis are retaliating across the street,” Capt. Scott McLearn, an operations officer in the area, said in a written statement. Abu Hassan, the doctor in Adhamiya, said his neighborhood “is a small area.” “The Americans and Iraqi government should be able to control it” without building a wall, he said. Many Sunnis across Baghdad complain that the Shiite-led government has choked off basic services to their neighborhoods, allowing trash to pile up in the streets, banks to shut down and health clinics to languish. So the wall raises fears of further isolation. A spokesman for the American military, Maj. Gen. William B. Caldwell IV, said at a news conference on Wednesday that the military did not have a policy of sealing off neighborhoods. The American military has tried sealing off entire cities during the war. The most famous example is Falluja, in the insurgent stronghold of Anbar Province, where marines began operating checkpoints on all main roads into and out of the city after laying siege to it in late 2004. On Friday, a child was killed and nine people were wounded in a mortar attack in Baghdad, and 19 bodies were found across the capital. Hospital officials in Mosul said they were treating 130 Iraqi Army trainees suffering from stomach illness, in a possible case of mass poisoning at a training center north of the city. An American soldier was killed and two wounded in a rocket attack on a base in Mahmudiya on Thursday night, the military said. Sahar Nageeb and Ahmad Fadam contributed reporting from Baghdad, and David E. Sanger from Washington. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 13) Marine Officer to Testify on Iraq Killings in Exchange for Immunity By PAUL von ZIELBAUER April 21, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/21/world/middleeast/21abuse.html The officer in immediate command of three marines accused of killing civilians in a house-to-house attack in Haditha, Iraq, in 2005 has been granted immunity to testify at his subordinates’ military hearings, lawyers involved in the case said. In exchange, the officer, First Lt. William T. Kallop, agreed to answer all questions that prosecution or defense lawyers ask him, the lawyers said. The immunity granted to Lieutenant Kallop, who gave an order to take control of a house where several civilians were killed, could bolster the defense of the three enlisted men charged with murder in the case, lawyers said, because it would show that they were following orders. Lieutenant Kallop, 25, is one of at least eight marines granted immunity to testify about the attack on Nov. 19, 2005, that killed 24 people after the marines’ convoy was struck by a roadside bomb that killed Lance Cpl. Miguel Terrazas. Four officers also face charges of dereliction of duty for the way they dealt with the initial report of what happened in Haditha. Earlier this month, Lt. Gen. James N. Mattis, the Marine officer overseeing the prosecution of the case, dismissed charges against a fourth enlisted marine, Sgt. Sanick P. Dela Cruz, 24. General Mattis granted immunity to Lieutenant Kallop on April 3, days after lawyers for another marine facing murder charges asked the Marine Corps to grant immunity to Lieutenant Kallop so he could testify at hearings for the men, said Kevin B. McDermott, a civilian lawyer for an officer charged in the case. The grant of immunity was first reported in The Washington Post yesterday. Several lawyers for the marines charged in the case said the deal strengthened the arguments of the three enlisted men. “It’s central to the case if an officer is telling marines to take the house,” said Brian J. Rooney, a civilian lawyer for Lt. Col. Jeffrey R. Chessani, the highest-ranking officer charged in the case. Mr. McDermott, who represents Capt. Lucas McConnell, the company commander who was not present during the killings, said the immunity deal bolstered his client’s case. “If the government’s not going to charge the lieutenant that was at the scene and gave the order to clear the house,” Mr. McDermott said, “I don’t know how he’s not in the same boat as McConnell.” At least seven other marines have also been granted immunity to testify at preliminary hearings scheduled for next month, lawyers said. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 14) Growing Unrest Posing a Threat to Nigerian Oil By JAD MOUAWAD April 21, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/21/business/worldbusiness/21oil.html?ref=business PORT HARCOURT, Nigeria — There are few safe places left for oil companies in the Niger Delta, the epicenter of this country’s petroleum industry. Armed rebel gangs have blown up pipelines, disabled pumping stations, and kidnapped over 150 foreign oil workers in the last year. Companies now confine employees to heavily fortified compounds, allowing them to travel only by armored car or helicopter. One company has fitted bathrooms with steel bolts to turn them into “panic” rooms, if needed. Another has coated the pylons of a giant oil-production platform 80 miles offshore with waterproof grease to prevent attackers from climbing the rig. The violence in the Niger Delta is likely to be one of the thorniest political problems for Nigeria’s new president, to be chosen in the election April 21. Oil, after all, is the mainstay of Nigeria’s economy, providing 65 percent of its revenue. The events in Nigeria, the world’s eighth-largest oil exporter, have rippled across energy markets, contributing to higher prices and tighter supplies. [On Friday, gunmen attacked a boat carrying oil workers to an offshore rig in the delta, pushing up oil prices by more than $1.50, to $63.38 a barrel.] The United States imports more than one million barrels of crude oil from Nigeria every day. Many analysts warn that tensions here could derail plans to boost oil production in this country of 140 million people. Already, a quarter of Nigeria’s oil output has been shut down, costing an estimated $12 billion in lost sales in over the last year. Some foreign operators have abandoned oil fields, or left the country altogether. “I can’t think of anything worse right now,” said Larry Johnson, a former United States Army officer who was recently hired to toughen security at a site here operated by Eni, an Italian oil producer. “Even Angola during the civil war wasn’t as bad.” Violence is not new to the Niger Delta, a vast area of 40,000 square miles of swamps and creeks where the Niger River washes out into the Atlantic Ocean. The region, which produces most of the country’s oil, is also one of the nation’s poorest. In the 1990s, there were occasional kidnappings. But at the time, recalled Chris Haynes, a senior Shell executive, “you could usually get them released for a few bags of rice or a cow.” Since January 2006, however, violence in the delta has surged. So far in 2007, there have been at least 18 attacks against oil facilities or bases in the delta, according to Bergen Risk Solutions, a consultancy based in Bergen, Norway. And about 70 foreigners have been abducted in 2007, although most have been released within weeks in exchange for ransoms, typically hundreds of thousands of dollars. Oil companies find themselves in an uneasy position, stuck in a crisis that they, in a sense, helped create. For years, human rights groups accused them of turning a blind eye to the corruption of Nigeria’s successive military regimes while damaging the environment in the delta. Some companies have acknowledged these past grievances but say they changed after Nigeria returned to civilian rule in 1999. Still, gas flaring into the atmosphere remains a serious problem despite a government deadline to end the practice by 2008; few expect that deadline will be met. Also, oil spills continue to spoil the delta’s fragile environment. Energy executives blame locals for sabotaging their pipelines either to steal the oil or to gain lucrative cleanup contracts. By all accounts, petroleum profits have brought huge benefits to this country’s rulers, but few to its people. Oil companies typically keep 7 percent of the profits from oil sales; the government gets 93 percent. Nigeria ranks as one of the most corrupt countries in the world according to Transparency International, a Berlin- based anti-corruption group; 70 percent of the country’s population lives on $1 a day or less. Life expectancy is 47 years. Between 1960 and 1999, more than $380 billion was stolen or wasted, according to Nuhu Ribadu, Nigeria’s top anti- corruption official. In that period, the country produced over $400 billion worth of oil. In an effort to redistribute wealth, the government now gives 13 percent of the proceeds from oil sales to the producing states but there is little accountability of how these funds are spent. Much of it simply disappears, wasted by inefficient or corrupt local officials, according to a recent Human Rights Watch report. The River States government, for example, had a budget of $1.3 billion in 2006, the report said. It includes transportation fees of $65,000 a day for the governor’s office; $10 million for catering, entertainment, gifts and souvenirs; and $38 million for two helicopters. Health services received $22 million. “Oil companies are caught in an impossible situation,” said Chris Albin-Lackey, a researcher with Human Rights Watch. “They cannot meet the expectations of the communities in which they operate. At the same time, you have a government unwilling to do anything about the delta.” Oil companies have all set up programs to build roads, hospitals or schools in their communities. Shell, for example, said it spends over $100 million each year on social and health programs in the Niger Delta. Exxon, which has set aside $21 million for similar projects in 2007, noted it had built 95 percent of the roads in the town of Eket, close to one of its operations. But in the absence of government services, executives say their programs alone cannot buy them sustained peace. “The government should really be the one who looks after everybody else,” said Basil Omiyi, Shell’s managing director in Nigeria. “I don’t think the capital program of oil and g as companies can be the government in the Niger Delta.” John Chaplin, Exxon’s top executive in Nigeria, said “The demands are limitless.” Critics say governments in Abuja, the country’s modern capital, have neglected the delta region and blame oil companies for being complicit in a system that ignores the communities where the oil is produced. “The situation here is deplorable,” said John Owubokiri, an advocate for the rights of the delta states in Port Harcourt. “The people are being shortchanged.” That message is now being delivered in a more forceful way than the largely nonviolent militancy of the past decade. A new group, the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta, has emerged in the past year and claimed responsibility for many of the kidnappings and attacks against oil companies. MEND wants more money for the delta states and has vowed to bring Nigeria’s oil exports to a stop if its demands are not met. “We are more than capable of escalating the violence,” the MEND spokesman, Jomo Gbomo, who regularly sends e-mail messages to the media, wrote in response to e-mailed questions. The group, he said, is prepared for “a protracted military confrontation.” The violence has driven some companies away. Willbros, one of the world’s largest independent contractors, left Nigeria last summer after nearly 45 years, because nine of its employees were held in the swamps for weeks. After their release, Willbros said the dangers in Nigeria “exceed our acceptable risk levels.” After one of Shell’s big export sites was bombed in February 2006, the company abandoned its operations in the Western part of the delta and shut half its production, or 500,000 barrels a day. In early April, Shell outlined plans to restart production within six months. Meanwhile, the government has been unable to quell the unrest, security consultants said. “Nigeria’s security forces are ill equipped, poorly led, unmotivated, and outgunned,” said Ian Pilcher, the head of Nigerian operations for ArmorGroup, a British security consultant. But Nigerian officials say they do not want to escalate tensions by sending more troops to the region. “It’s definitely not a first option,” said Edmund Daukoru, Nigeria’s oil minister, referring to a more forceful military response. The lack of security has created demand for private security firms to help oil companies make conditions safer for their workers who are adjusting to a new lifestyle. For example, Triple Canopy, an American security firm founded shortly after the Iraq invasion, opened its first office outside of the Middle East in Lagos last summer. While the attacks against oil companies have slowed recently, replaced largely by election violence, few analysts believe the militant movement will disappear soon. Just a few months ago, foreign employees in Port Harcourt, the center for oil operations in the delta, lived in apartments with their families and could relax at local bars, including one popular pub, Goodfellas. But after a rash of attacks around town last year, families have packed up and gone home, while workers and executives have retreated inside fortified bases surrounded by high walls and razor wire. On a recent evening, about a dozen men, mainly Italians, settled at the mess inside one such campus here operated by Eni to watch a live soccer game from Rome on satellite television. The 50-acre compound houses offices, dormitories, and some guest houses; there are tennis courts and manicured lawns, a swimming pool and a new gym. There is also a large field for soccer games between the company team and local soldiers. The cook, the food and the wine come from Italy. The Eni campus is an oasis compared with the rest of town, a chaotic cluster of five million people. But violence can visit here at any moment, as it did a few months ago when a cellphone-activated car bomb blew up just across the street. “It’s sad what is going on here,” said Marco Castelli, a manager at Eni, who moved to Nigeria last June. After years living alone in far-flung places like Kazakhstan, Congo and Iran, Mr. Castelli was looking forward to a quiet family assignment in Nigeria. His wife was about to quit her job as a marketing executive for a drug company in Italy to join him. But soon after he arrived, gunmen entered a bar in Aker Base, a slum outside of Port Harcourt, and kidnapped an Italian worker. An army sergeant was shot dead as he tried to stop the attackers. Later that day, soldiers returned to the scene and razed the village. The hostage was released the same week, but shortly after that event Mr. Castelli’s wife scrapped her plans to join him. “The more the situation worsened,” he said, “the more the restrictions became tough.” Still, many workers here say they are undeterred by the violence and few are considering leaving. Antonio Fiore, an engineer with Eni, has been confined to the Port Harcourt base since December. In his three decades with the company, Mr. Fiore helped build a refinery in Iraq in the 1970s, worked on a petrochemical plant near the Iranian town of Isfahan in 1989, and spent time in Kuwait after the first gulf war. He has been posted in Nigeria for the last three years. “What we’re doing here is important,” he said. “I have been in many critical areas. But for us, what happened last year was a nightmare.” *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 15) Um Noor April 16, 2007 http://washingtonbureau.typepad.com/iraq/2007/04/um_noor.html Is there a proverb that says everything unpredictable happens in the morning? A knock on the front door at seven in the morning is not predictable; I jumped. What now? I look out the entrance window hesitantly to find a small lady covered in black from head to toe, standing outside. Um Noor! Um Noor (mother of Noor) is a sweet soul in a tiny frame, who used to come help me with household duties once a week, from 2000 until I went away in Feb, 2003. I am ecstatic! I have been trying to find her ever since I came back; she is so energetic and so proud of her faultless work. I open the door with a cry of welcome on my lips, and she comes in. She looks at me and bursts out crying. And the story comes pouring out. She was happily married for twenty years, when Iraq was occupied. After a while strange, little used words start flying around. Sunni … Shiite … Sunni … Shiite … Then fighting started breaking out because of this long submerged difference. In her neighborhood, as in the greater majority of Baghdad's neighborhoods, no one is really sure who on their bloc is Sunni, or Shiite; and nobody really cares. Soon after, the IEDs and car bombs started taking their toll from people still bewildered as to: Why is this happening? BOOM! She loses her husband, on his way to work, a Shiite. Being a Sunni herself, she is urged - very strongly - to move away; their part of Amil is Shiite controlled. Having nowhere to go, she stays. A car stops in front of their home. BANG, BANG, BANG! She loses her son (20), her brother, and nephew. She takes her remaining children and flees, finding no haven - except in Abu Ghraib, (Sunni controlled) where she lives in perpetual fear lest her dark secret be uncovered: that her kids are – of course – Shiite. Her two remaining sons (16 and 10) live imprisoned in their hut; she has buried all their IDs and tells everyone that they got lost …………and as a result they cannot receive rations. They are starving to death. How, and why, has it suddenly become impo | |