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  • BAUAW NEWSLETTER
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    Saturday, September 18, 2004
     

    BAUAW NEWSLETTER-SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 18, 2004

    Don't forget the next Bay Area United Against War (BAUAW) meeting
    coming up this Wednesday, September 22, 7:00 p.m.,
    1380 Valencia Street, between 24th & 25th Streets in S.F.

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    1) RALLY AGAINST RADIO FREQUENCY
    IDENTIFICATION (RFID) TECHNOLOGY
    AT THE SAN FRANCISCO PUBLIC LIBRARY
    Sunday, September 19, 2004 at 2:00 p.m.

    2) FBI data sought in bid to free Indian activist
    By PHIL FAIRBANKS and MARK SOMMER
    News Staff Reporters
    9/14/2004
    http://www.buffalonews.com/editorial/20040914/1049110.asp

    3) ANSWER Activist Meeting
    Tuesday, Sept. 21, 7pm
    2489 Mission St. Room 30 (at 21st St.)
    Help us launch a new national campaign -
    the People's Anti-War Referendum –
    Vote No on War & Occupation!

    4) US Soldiers Shoot First, No Questions Asked
    by Gethin Chamberlain
    BAGHDAD
    Published on Friday, September 17, 2004
    by The Scotsman (Scotland)
    http://www.commondreams.org/headlines04/0917-25.htm

    5) NEWS: Constitution be damned:
    CIA acting director opposes release of 1947-1970
    CIA budget totals

    6) Dozens more die in Iraq violence
    ·45 die in Falluja raids
    ·Baghdad car bomb kills 13
    ·UK may send extra troops
    The Guardian
    5pm update
    Friday September 17, 2004
    http://www.guardian.co.uk/Iraq/Story/0,2763,1306807,00.html

    7) From: No One is Illegal Montreal
    From the Family of the Late FAROUK ABDEL-MUHTI:
    A Statement of Solidarity for the Coalition Against the
    Deportation of Palestinian Refugees in Montreal
    on the eve of the September 18th
    STATELESS and DEPORTED Demonstration.
    Date: Fri, 17 Sep 2004 21:19:08 -0700 (PDT)

    8) This Is Bush's Vietnam
    By BOB HERBERT
    OP-ED COLUMNIST
    ARLINGTON, Va.
    September 17, 2004
    http://www.nytimes.com/2004/09/17/opinion/17herbert.html


    9) TERROR ON THE JOB
    According to Human Rights Watch 200,000 employees in
    the U.S. were fired in the last decade because of
    their union activities.
    Where is the "War on Corporate Terror"?
    Tidbit from: Howard Keylor

    10) Subject: [ufpj-disc] RE: March Count
    From: "John Bostrom"
    Date: Fri, 17 Sep 2004 13:30:46 -0400

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    1) RALLY AGAINST RADIO FREQUENCY
    IDENTIFICATION (RFID) TECHNOLOGY
    AT THE SAN FRANCISCO PUBLIC LIBRARY
    Sunday, September 19, 2004 at 2:00 p.m.

    Join the American Civil Liberties Union, Electronic Frontier Foundation,
    Library Users Association, San Francisco Neighborhood Antenna-Free
    Union and other opponents of Radio Frequency Identification (RFID)
    technology at the San Francisco Public Library for a rally and
    informational picket line in front of the Main
    Library at Larkin & Grove Streets in San Francisco.

    The SF Public Library plans to
    spend $300,000 in the next fiscal
    year and $3 million over the next 6
    years to replace its existing bar code system with
    RFID chips and wireless readers.
    RFID chips can be read anywhere without
    the knowledge or consent of the
    library user, even through a book bag,
    enabling anyone with access to RFID
    technology to identify and track the
    movement of library materials and users.
    The threats posed by RFID
    technology to Library user privacy
    are real, and the radiation emitted by
    portable and stationary wireless
    RFID readers has uncertain public health
    implications and should be avoided
    as a precautionary measure. If the
    $300,000 the Library is requesting
    for RFID is not approved by the Board of
    Supervisors, the money is designated
    to fund youth jobs at the Library
    instead.

    So come to the Main Library on Sunday,
    September 19 at 2:00 p.m., bring a
    friend and send a message to the Board
    of Supervisors: No to RFID at the SF
    Public Library! Yes to jobs for youth
    at the Library!

    See you on the 19th!

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    2) FBI data sought in bid to free Indian activist
    By PHIL FAIRBANKS and MARK SOMMER
    News Staff Reporters
    9/14/2004
    http://www.buffalonews.com/editorial/20040914/1049110.asp

    Leonard Peltier, 60, is serving two
    sentences of life imprisonment in the
    deaths of two FBI agents in 1975.

    Leonard Peltier's nearly 30-year quest
    for freedom brought his defense team
    to a Buffalo courtroom Monday seeking
    FBI documents it believes could lead
    to a new trial for the nationally known
    Indian activist convicted of murder.

    Peltier, sentenced to two terms of life
    imprisonment in the 1975 shooting
    deaths of two FBI agents in South
    Dakota, wants a local judge to order the
    release of 15 pages of documents,
    part of a nationwide effort aimed at
    proving that he was railroaded by the FBI.

    Long championed as a "political prisoner"
    by groups such as Amnesty
    International, Peltier is a member
    of the American Indian Movement. In the
    eyes of the federal government, he
    is a brutal killer who should never go
    free.

    "The FBI is hellbent on blocking the
    disclosure of this information and
    keeping Leonard Peltier in jail for
    the rest of his natural life," Michael
    Kuzma, a Buffalo lawyer and a
    member of Peltier's defense team,
    said in court Monday.

    At issue before U.S. District Judge
    William M. Skretny, who reserved
    decision Monday, are 15 pages of
    documents the FBI has withheld since 1975
    on grounds of national security and
    protection of confidential sources.

    Peltier was not in court Monday,
    but his attorney argued that the FBI is
    withholding documents in order to
    cover up its misconduct, an allegation the
    government denies.

    "The FBI has acted in good faith in
    the processing of all these requests,"
    Preeya M. Noronha, a U.S. Justice
    Department attorney, told Skretny.
    "There's no evidence that anything
    improper was done."

    Skretny took issue with Noronha's
    contention, reminding her that two federal
    appeals courts have criticized the
    FBI's conduct in the Peltier case. One
    panel of judges said the government's
    decision to withhold and intimidate
    witnesses should be "condemned."

    Peltier, who contends that he was
    framed by the government, has spent the
    last several years seeking FBI
    documents through the Freedom of Information
    Act. Earlier this year, the government
    acknowledged that more than 142,000
    pages of documents pertaining to his
    case were never turned over to his
    attorneys.

    The catalyst for the Buffalo case is a
    heavily excised 1975 Teletype message
    from the Buffalo office of the FBI to
    then-FBI Director Clarence M. Kelley.

    Kuzma said the Teletype message
    indicates that a New York informant was
    trying to infiltrate Peltier's defense effort.
    Kelley later testified that
    the government used informants
    against the American Indian Movement, or AIM.

    Peltier's attorneys learned of the
    Teletype message after a FOIA request and
    a subsequent lawsuit against the
    FBI's Buffalo office pried loose 797 pages
    of documents - some partially blacked
    out - containing telex messages,
    articles, letters and other memorandums.

    "It appears a Buffalo source was
    trying to infiltrate the defense team in
    1975," Kuzma said during an interview
    before the trial. "If we can show that
    had a destructive role or impact on
    the defense or the attorney-client
    relationship, it could blow the case open."

    The FBI tells a far different story.

    Nearly 30 years after FBI Special
    Agents Jack R. Coler and Ronald A.
    Williams were killed at the Pine
    Ridge Indian Reservation in South Dakota,
    the agency insists that Peltier is guilty.

    "I stand behind the review of the
    (U.S.) Supreme Court that he is a
    convicted murderer," said Peter J.
    Ahearn, special agent in charge of the
    FBI's Buffalo office.

    Ahearn said he has continued to
    review material on the case through the
    years and has found no reason to
    believe that Peltier was innocent.

    Among FBI agents, it is a case that
    evokes great passion. Four years ago,
    about 500 active and retired agents
    held a march outside the White House to
    dissuade President Bill Clinton from
    granting clemency to Peltier. That view
    was echoed by then-FBI Director
    Louis J. Freeh in a public letter to the
    president.

    Despite the FBI's strong stance against
    a new trial, Peltier's lead attorney
    said the information they seek could
    have a potentially explosive impact on
    the case.

    "It would be grounds for a new trial,
    one which we'd relish because we know
    they couldn't prove Leonard did it,"
    said Barry Bachrach. "It could even be
    grounds for an outright reversal."

    Allan Jamieson, a Cayuga Indian who
    lives in Buffalo and has tried to raise
    public awareness about Peltier, agrees.
    He sees the case as a symbol of the
    injustices committed by the U.S.
    government against Native Americans.

    He also wonders why information
    regarding Peltier can still be considered a
    matter of national security nearly 30 years later.

    "I don't understand how this information
    can be perceived as a threat at
    this point in time," Jamieson said.

    Peltier, 60, is serving his two terms of
    life in prison at Leavenworth
    Federal Penitentiary in Kansas.


    e-mail: pfairbanks@buffnews.com
    and msommer@buffnews.com

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    3) ANSWER Activist Meeting
    Tuesday, Sept. 21, 7pm
    2489 Mission St. Room 30 (at 21st St.)
    Help us launch a new national campaign -
    the People's Anti-War Referendum –
    Vote No on War & Occupation!

    The U.S. elections give us no say on the critical issue of war and
    occupation. Rather, the big business candidates fight over who
    will spend more money on the “war on terrorism” and who will
    send more troops to Iraq.

    Join the people’s anti-war ballot, a national independent grassroots
    referendum to demonstrate and organize the breadth of opposition
    to the U.S. wars and occupations and to bring the troops home now.

    Unlike U.S. elections, our referendum doesn’t discriminate by age,
    immigration status, or prison history. We are all affected by the U.S.
    policies of war and occupation, and we should have a say.

    When you vote in the People’s Anti-War Referendum, your name
    will not be sent to any branch of the government. Signatures will
    be collected and the results presented to the media just before
    the November election in a display of the strength of the
    opposition to the war.

    Join us this Tuesday at the ANSWER Activist Meeting to help
    organize this important new campaign, set-up street polls
    and tabling.

    We will also have a political update on the Middle East, a
    report on the Oct. 1 March Against Racism Discrimination
    in the Castro and the Oct. 16 March for Immigrant Rights.

    We will have break-out committees to work on these areas.
    Get involved!

    For more information, contact 415-821-6545 or
    answer@actionsf.org.

    To subscribe to the list, send a message to:


    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    4) US Soldiers Shoot First, No Questions Asked
    by Gethin Chamberlain
    BAGHDAD
    Published on Friday, September 17, 2004
    by The Scotsman (Scotland)
    http://www.commondreams.org/headlines04/0917-25.htm

    BAGHDAD - His name was Ahmed Hameed and he was 36 years old.
    He had taken the wrong turning up to the checkpoint on the July 14
    Bridge which spans the Tigris on the south-eastern edge of what
    used to be known in Baghdad as the Green Zone, but which has
    now been renamed the International Zone.

    Now he lies in a body-bag a few yards away from the US army gun
    tower which opened fire on him as he tried to turn his moped around.

    Soldiers from the US Airborne surround him, those at the back
    peering over the shoulders of the ones in front to get a better
    view as the bag is unzipped. In the tower, the heavy .240-calibre
    machine-gun hangs limply on its mount, pointing at the ground.
    The gunner is leaning on the parapet, looking out across the city.

    Ahmed's head is turned away to one side, his mouth open, the
    blood which streaks his face already dry. His right hand is by his
    side, the left curled across his stomach. The fingers stop a few
    inches from the inch-wide hole just above his groin. Someone
    has tried to stem the bleeding from another hole in the top of
    his chest, but there was too much blood. It has soaked his T-shirt,
    which is pulled up to expose the wounds, and poured down his
    body, mingling with his sweat, leaving pale rivulets across the skin.

    Twenty yards away, his maroon Honda Spacy moped lies on its
    right-hand side in front of a concrete barrier. There is a sign
    painted on the barrier: it says "Do not enter or you will be shot",
    in English and Arabic. There is a small bullet entry hole in the
    top left-hand side of the seat, and a much larger exit hole on the
    right-hand side of the rear fairing. The bike must have been
    upright when the bullet struck, and almost sideways on to the
    gun tower. Petrol has leaked from the tank and on to the tarmac.

    Captain Mohammhad Mahde is taking in the details of the scene.
    Mahde is an officer in the Iraqi police service, based inside the
    International Zone. He bends low over Ahmed's body, pushing
    down his black nylon boxer shorts with the blue stripe around
    the waistband which poke out above his grey trousers, so that
    he can get a better look at the lower wound.

    "He was coming the wrong way," a US soldier is explaining to him,
    gesturing towards the end of the bridge's exit ramp away around
    the curve of the concrete wall on the right-hand side of the road
    looking south.

    "He didn't stop. They hit him and he got up, and they fired at him
    again. He got up again and started running away, and because he
    was running away they didn't shoot him. But then he just sort of
    collapsed."

    The body-bag is zipped closed. Mahde stands up and walks
    towards the moped, and the soldier follows. "We yelled at him
    to stop," he says. "He passed a few of the signs to stop, but he
    just kept going."

    Mahde walks past another concrete barrier, painted in English
    and Arabic with three signs: "Exit only", "Do not enter", and "No
    Stopping". There is no problem with the Arabic, he says. It is
    quite clear. At the foot of the exit ramp, a small crowd watches
    the soldiers and the policemen as they walk slowly towards them.
    This is the reason the soldiers called Mahde's police station; they
    wanted help to control the crowd. Mahde, though, wants to know
    what happened. The soldiers eye him warily, but no-one tries to
    stop him.

    Mahde pulls out a notebook, writes down a few things, asks the
    troops some more questions. He walks on to a thin patch of sand
    that has been deposited on the tarmac. It is damp in a couple of
    places, a slightly darker orange than the rest. There is a small
    bloodstain on the checkpoint side of the line of sand which has
    not been covered over. On the low concrete wall about three
    feet away there are splashes where blood has sprayed up, and
    a couple of flecks of flesh stick to the wall a foot or so closer to
    the gun tower. "They killed him here," he says.

    The soldiers say no. "The man got back here and collapsed," a
    captain says. "We just covered up the blood."

    Ahmed's shoes lie on the tarmac about four feet apart, between
    where his body now lies and the spot where he died. The left
    shoe is closer to the blood-stained sand, the right back towards
    the gun tower. They are brown leather, quite new, a picture of a
    stag and the name of the maker, the Dawara Company, embossed
    on the inner sole. On the bridge side of the final concrete barrier
    between the shoes and Mahde's body, there are four rough hollows
    where bullets struck. An American soldier points them out; he refers
    to them as splash marks.

    The call came in to the police station a little after 10am from a US
    captain in the Airborne. Dwight Murphy took it; he was sitting in
    Mahde's office at the time, chatting to the captain. Murphy is the
    deputy commander for support operations with the Civilian Police
    Assistance Training Team, the organisation set up by coalition
    forces to rebuild the Iraqi police service.

    They got into Mahde's police Land Cruiser, with its blue and
    white livery and blue and red flashing light, and drove to the
    bridge. When they reached it, there was a US Bradley armoured
    vehicle parked across the carriageway at the southern end, the
    checkpoint end. Its main cannon was trained on the approaching
    police car, as was the gun of the soldier in the turret.

    With the index finger of his right hand, the soldier made a
    horizontal circling gesture, then pointed back up the carriageway,
    indicating that the car should turn around and leave. Murphy held
    up his US identification card. The soldier repeated his gesture.

    The driver began to swing the vehicle around, but Murphy had
    taken out his mobile phone and was speaking to the captain
    who had called the police station. The car stopped. The soldier
    in the turret was speaking into his headset, his eyes still on the
    police car. He gestured the policemen forward.

    Murphy is crouched next to the sand, looking at the blood
    splashed up the wall. "He was probably shot back here where
    his body fell," he says.

    "Maybe he was afraid," Mahde said. "Maybe he had explosives?
    He lived in this city, he worked here, he knew this way. Why go
    here?" The two men walk slowly back towards the moped. "We
    haven't opened it up yet," one soldier tells them.

    One of the soldiers picks up the machine and rests it on its stand.
    The right-hand mirror has twisted round slightly, but there is no
    other obvious damage, save for the bullet holes.

    Another soldier has fetched a jemmy; he pokes it under the seat
    and leans down on it to pop open the lock. It takes a quarter of a
    minute, perhaps a little longer, before the lock gives. The soldier
    places the seat on the ground. Inside, there is nothing but a thin
    black plastic bag of the type used in some of the city's shops.
    Inside the bag are two sheets of paper. The soldier hands them
    to a captain, who looks at them briefly and hands them to Mahde.
    They are Ahmed's identity papers. There is nothing else in the bag.

    Mahde asks them to take the body to the morgue. The Americans
    do not like the idea. Why can't the body be collected by the morgue,
    they ask. Mahde says his men will take the body and the bike. He
    looks around him. "This guy made a mistake, but he didn't put the
    bike in that place or the shoes in that place," he says.

    "Are you done here?" the US captain asks. "Can we open the
    checkpoint again?" Mahde nods. They can, he says. He has no
    authority over the US soldiers, but he will make a report.

    He and Murphy start to walk back towards the police car. The
    US soldiers follow, grumbling among themselves. They do not
    understand what is happening. One can be heard complaining:
    "All the other bodies, they just put in the truck and took them away."

    (c) 2004 The Scotsman

    ###

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    www.commondreams.org

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    5) NEWS: Constitution be damned:
    CIA acting director opposes release of 1947-1970
    CIA budget totals

    [On page 12 of his recently
    published book, *The Sorrows of Empire*
    (Metropolitan Books, 2004), historian
    Chalmers Johnson writes: "A revolution
    would be required to bring the Pentagon
    back under democratic control, or to
    abolish the Central Intelligence Agency,
    or even to contemplate enforcing
    article 1, section 9, clause 7 of the
    Constitution: 'No money shall be drawn
    from the Treasury, but in Consequence
    of Appropriations made by Law; and a
    regular Statement and Account of the
    Receipts and Expenditures of all public
    Money shall be published from time to
    time.'" -- Steven Aftergood, of the
    Federation of American Scientists' Secrecy
    News project, has been engaged in a
    long-term project to have Article I,
    Section 9, Clause 7 respected by the CIA.
    Here's his latest report in an ongoing
    battle. --Mark]

    http://ufppc.org/index.php?option=content&task=view&id=1369

    CIA REJECTS DISCLOSURE OF HISTORICAL BUDGET DATA
    By Steven Aftergood

    Secrecy News
    September 17, 2004


    http://www.fas.org/sgp/news/secrecy/index.html


    Acting Director of Central
    Intelligence John E. McLaughlin told a federal
    court this week that releasing
    the amounts of historical CIA budgets from 1947
    through 1970 would compromise intelligence methods.

    Mr. McLaughlin's statement was
    presented in opposition to a Freedom of
    Information Act lawsuit brought
    by the Federation of American Scientists.

    "I have carefully considered the
    ramifications of releasing the total CIA
    budgets for fiscal years 1947-70
    and a few budget numbers from other agencies
    for fiscal year 1947," he said in a sworn declaration.

    "I have concluded that publicly
    disclosing the intelligence budget information
    that plaintiff seeks would tend to
    reveal intelligence methods that, in the
    interest of maintaining an effective
    intelligence service, ought not be
    publicly revealed," he wrote.

    Acting DCI McLaughlin's insistence
    on preserving the secrecy of even
    half-century old budget figures
    contrasts with the recommendation of the 9/11
    Commission that current and future
    intelligence agency budgets "should no
    longer be kept secret."

    DCI McLaughlin's September 14
    declaration is posted here (1.25 MB PDF file):

    http://www.fas.org/sgp/foia/1947/mclaughlin.pdf

    In accordance with Attorney General
    Ashcroft's FOIA policy, the CIA's position
    on budget secrecy is being vigorously
    defended by the Department of Justice
    Office of Information and Privacy. See the
    defendant's motion for summary
    judgment here:

    http://www.fas.org/sgp/foia/1947/cia091504.pdf

    A reply from FAS is due on September 29.

    "We must do something about the problem
    of overclassification," said Secretary
    of State Colin Powell at a hearing of
    the Senate Governmental Affairs
    Committee on September 13.
    "Today, the intelligence community routinely
    classifies information at higher
    levels and makes access more difficult than
    was the case even at the height of the Cold War."

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    6) Dozens more die in Iraq violence
    ·45 die in Falluja raids
    ·Baghdad car bomb kills 13
    ·UK may send extra troops
    The Guardian
    5pm update
    Friday September 17, 2004
    http://www.guardian.co.uk/Iraq/Story/0,2763,1306807,00.html

    More than 50 people were killed today in separate incidents in Iraq,
    ending one of the bloodiest weeks since George Bush declared an
    end to the Iraq war just over 12 months ago.

    US strikes on militant targets in the city of Falluja killed 45 people
    and injured 27.

    Hours later at least 13 people died and 50 were wounded when a
    car bomber struck near a major police checkpoint in central
    Baghdad, the Iraqi health ministry and US military officials said.

    According to a statement by the US military, the strikes,
    which began last night, targeted a compound in Fazat Shnetir,
    about 12 miles south of the Sunni stronghold of Falluja, where
    militants loyal to the Jordanian-born al-Qaida ally Abu Musab
    al-Zarqawi were gathering to plot attacks on US-led forces in Iraq.

    Militants who survived the strikes later sought refuge in near
    by villages, but US forces quickly broke off an offensive to hunt
    them down in an effort to avoid civilian casualties, the statement said.

    "The number of foreign fighters killed during the strike is estimated
    at approximately 60. The terrorists targeted in this strike were
    believed to be associated with recent bombing attacks and other
    terrorist activities throughout Iraq," the US military said.

    But a health ministry spokesman, Saad al-Amili, said at least 17
    children and two women were among the wounded. Hospital
    officials in Falluja said women and children were also among
    the dead, but exact figures were not immediately available.

    Residents of Fazat Shnetir were seen digging graves today
    and burying the dead in groups of four.

    Doctors at Falluja general hospital struggled to cope with the
    wave of casualties, many of whom were transported in private
    cars as the ambulance service was overwhelmed.

    Relatives pounded their chests in grief and denounced the US
    while religious leaders switched on loudspeakers at the mosque
    to call on residents to donate blood and chanted "God is great."

    US forces have not patrolled inside Falluja since the end of a
    three-week siege that left hundreds dead. Insurgents have
    strengthened their grip since then, mounting regular attacks
    against US positions and military convoys on the town's outskirts.

    In Baghdad, the bomb exploded beside a line of police vehicles
    set up to seal off routes to nearby Haifa Street, where US and
    Iraqi forces had spent the morning raiding insurgent hideouts.

    The midday attack occurred on a busy market day, and officials
    said the number of casualties was expected to rise.

    As the death toll mounts in Iraq, Britain said today it was
    prepared to send more troops if needed to bolster security ahead
    of elections in January.

    "We will deploy those numbers of troops that are required given
    the situation. If it is necessary to put a few extra troops in to
    provide appropriate security for the elections we will do that,"
    the defence secretary, Geoff Hoon, told reporters at a meeting
    of EU defence ministers in the Netherlands.

    ·The British engineer kidnapped by gunmen from his house in
    Baghdad was Kenneth Bigley, the Foreign Office confirmed today.
    Guardian Unlimited (c) Guardian Newspapers Limited 2004

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    7) From: No One is Illegal Montreal
    From the Family of the Late FAROUK ABDEL-MUHTI:
    A Statement of Solidarity for the Coalition Against the
    Deportation of Palestinian Refugees in Montreal
    on the eve of the September 18th
    STATELESS and DEPORTED Demonstration.
    Date: Fri, 17 Sep 2004 21:19:08 -0700 (PDT)


    Below is a statement of solidarity from the family of the late Farouk
    Abdel-Muhti a stateless Palestinian refugee, who died in July 2004. With
    Farouk's passing the struggle for Palestinian liberation lost one of its
    leading fighters in the US.

    Farouk Adbel-Muhti was born in 1947 in Ramallah, a Palestinian city in the
    occupied West Bank of Jordan. Like many Palestinians, Farouk lived the
    uprooted life of a stateless refugee, traveling from country to country
    until finally settling in New York in the 1970s.

    He came to the attention of US immigration officials in the mid-1970s
    after overstaying his visa. An immigration judge ordered him deported,
    however, there was no way to carry out the deportation, since the West
    Bank was now controlled by Israel, which did not allow the return of
    people who left the Palestinian territories before the Israeli occupation
    of 1967.

    Farouk continued to live openly in the New York area, engaging in a number
    of public political activities, with a focus on the struggle for
    Palestinian liberation and issues relating to immigration and Latin
    America.

    In March 2002, Farouk began working regularly at Pacifica Radio station
    WBAI. He used his contacts to arrange interviews with Palestinians in the
    Occupied Territories. One month later, three New York police officers and
    an INS agent, came to his Queens apartment without a warrant. They claimed
    they wanted to ask Farouk some questions about September 11th.

    Farouk was detained on April 26, 2002 and jailed in various facilities
    around the country for two years. He was never charged with a crime. He
    was often held in solitary confinement, subjected to extensive
    interrogation, and often denied food. His health was failing but he
    remained handcuffed and shackled whenever he went to the health clinic.
    Two years after his detention, a US federal judge ordered Farouk to be
    deported, charged or released. He walked out of prison on April 12, 2004.

    Farouk died in July 2004 of a hear attack, after giving a speech in
    Philadelphia. In his last speech, Farouk called for unity among groups
    fighting for Palestinian liberation and social justice. His death came
    just three months after he was released from jail where he was detained
    for two years without charge.



    Statement of Solidarity with the Palestinian Refugees of Canada
    From the Family of the Late Farouk Abdel-Muhti:

    This statement is to express solidarity with the Palestinian refugees of
    Canada, on this very important occasion, the Montreal demonstration
    against the deportation of Palestinians from Canada, on the eve of the
    Sabra and Chatila massacres, as we approach the twenty-second anniversary
    of the heinous crimes committed against the Palestinian people by the
    Lebanese right-wing Christian militia, the Phalange, on the orders of
    Ariel Sharon, who gave the orders to enter the camp when the Palestine
    Liberation Organization had already left, to slaughter the innocent people
    in the camps. In this brutal act of genocide, more than three thousand
    unarmed Palestinian civilians, men, women, and children, including babies,
    were brutally massacred, their bodies dumped mostly in mass graves, while
    the world looked on in horror, but did nothing.

    Twenty-two years later, we see the sons and daughters of this generation
    still suffering, as war rages in Palestine, as Israel continues to
    practice ethnic cleansing against the Palestinian people, imprisoning
    them, demolishing their homes, and now building an apartheid wall that
    cuts deep into Palestinian lands, separating families from their lands,
    their livelihoods, and each other. Meanwhile, in Canada, Palestinian
    refugees who escaped the horrors and degradation of life in the refugee
    camps of Lebanon and throughout the world are now facing deportation from
    Canada, having committed no crime, but being Palestinian. These stateless
    Palestinians have truly inherited the experience of their parents, and are
    feeling the intense pain of being stateless refugees. It is for this
    reason that the world must realize the urgency of the Palestinians
    achieving their independence, in a Palestinian state of their own, with
    Jerusalem as its capital. The vulnerable position of the Palestinian
    deportees in Canada, in Lebanon, in the United States and all over the
    world obviates this fact and disproves any argument that the Palestinians
    can be "absorbed" into the polities of any other country, including Arab
    countries.

    In the meantime, however, the countries where they reside, such as Canada,
    have an obligation to accept the Palestinians, and to extend to them the
    rights and dignities that are extended to all their other citizens and
    residents, including granting them political asylum.

    Palestinian refugees of Canada, we share your pain. Our dear brother,
    Farouk Abdel-Muhti, who is now deceased, was also a stateless Palestinian.
    As such, he lived for thirty some odd years in the United States, with no
    serious problems until, after September 11th, he was picked up by
    immigration authorities, incarcerated for nearly two years, 8 months of
    which was spent in solitary confinement, tortured, beaten, withheld
    medication, belittled and called a terrorist, simply for being a
    Palestinian in the post-September 11th climate of paranoia and xenophobia
    in the United States.

    Our dear brother was ultimately released in April of this year, but the
    irreparable damage was already done, to his life and to ours. Farouk died
    exactly one hundred days after his release, weakened from the terrible
    treatment, food, and conditions he endured in the immigration jails of the
    United States, Allah yarhamouh! His only crime was being a stateless
    Palestinian. We are left to live with the tragic reality of this and other
    misfortunes which are largely a result of the unjust, inhuman and
    misguided policies directed at Arab and Muslim immigrants, especially
    Palestinians, since 9/11, by the Bush Administration in the United States,
    and by other governments. We see similar policies being implemented in
    Canada against immigrants, in what the Bush Administration is attempting
    to portray as a "global war on terror". But what do these immigrants,
    especially the Palestinians, have to do with this, being victims of the
    state terror and genocide inflicted upon them by the Zionist State and its
    war machine for the last 56 years?

    We must not let what happened to our brother Farouk, who fought tirelessly
    for the rights of workers and the oppressed all over the world, especially
    for his people, the Palestinians, happen to Palestinians in Canada, who
    have migrated there to seek a better life, and better opportunities, away
    from war-torn lands and squalid refugee camps. We must demand that this
    inhuman treatment of immigrants be stopped, once and for all.

    Our struggles are the same, and we send this statement of solidarity to
    express to you that we are behind you in your struggle, we feel your pain,
    and we say to you, you must continue to fight for justice until your human
    rights and your dignity is acknowledged, in Canada, in the United States,
    and in Palestine, where ultimately you will prevail, with the
    establishment of your own state, where you the Palestinians, not an
    occupying power where World-War Two era fascists and murderers masquerade
    as a government, will be free to determine your own destiny. We wish you
    peace and success, and offer you solidarity on this very special occasion,
    where you are taking your struggle to the streets and demanding your
    rights, letting the world know how unjustly you are being treated. May the
    struggle continue until you win! If Farouk were with us today, he would
    encourage you to keep going, to network with all of us, for us all to work
    together until we achieve social justice, human rights, equality, civil
    and political rights! We will see the phoenix rising from the ashes, if we
    remain steadfast in our fight to end oppression, racism, and imperialism,
    and to demand justice and rights for all peoples, regardless of their
    race, religion, or nationality. His spirit remains with us, and if we
    continue, we will win; our dignity, our independence and our inalienable
    right to be free!

    Venceremos!
    With Revolutionary Fervor and Congratulations!
    With Love and Solidarity!
    Long Live Palestine!

    Sharin Chiorazzo (the fiancée of Farouk Abdel-Muhti)
    and Tariq Abdel-Muhti (Farouk's Son)

    For more information, please see www.freefarouk.org, or e-mail us at
    freefarouk@yahoo.com or abufkheida@maktoob.com.
    Phone: (201) 951-6919, (212) 674-9499.

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    8) This Is Bush's Vietnam
    By BOB HERBERT
    OP-ED COLUMNIST
    ARLINGTON, Va.
    September 17, 2004
    http://www.nytimes.com/2004/09/17/opinion/17herbert.html

    The rows of simple white headstones in the broad expanses of brilliant
    green lawns are scrupulously arranged, and they seem to go on and on,
    endlessly, in every direction.

    It was impossible not to be moved. A soft September wind was the only
    sound. Beyond that was just the silence of history, and the collective
    memory of the lives lost in its service.

    Nearly 300,000 people are buried at Arlington National Cemetery,
    which is just across the Potomac from Washington. On Tuesday
    morning I visited the grave of Air Force Second Lt. Richard VandeGeer.
    The headstone tells us, as simply as possible, that he went to Vietnam,
    that he was born Jan. 11, 1948, and died May 15, 1975, and that he
    was awarded the Purple Heart.

    His mother, Diana VandeGeer, who is 75 now and lives in Florida,
    tells us that he loved to play soldier as a child, that he was a helicopter
    pilot in Vietnam and that she longs for him still. He would be 56 now,
    but to his mother he is forever a tall and handsome 27.

    Richard VandeGeer was not the last American serviceman to die in the
    Vietnam War, but he was close enough. He was part of the last group
    of Americans killed, and his name was the last of the more than 58,000
    to be listed on the wall of the Vietnam Memorial in Washington. As I
    stood at his grave, I couldn't help but wonder how long it will take us
    to get to the last American combat death in Iraq.

    Lieutenant VandeGeer died heroically. He was the pilot of a CH-53A
    transport helicopter that was part of an effort to rescue crew members
    of the Mayaguez, an American merchant ship that was captured by the
    Khmer Rouge off the coast of Cambodia on May 12, 1975. The
    helicopter was shot down and half of the 26 men aboard, including
    Lieutenant VandeGeer, perished.

    (It was later learned that the crew of the Mayaguez had already
    been released.)

    The failed rescue operation, considered the last combat activity
    of the Vietnam War, came four years after John Kerry's famous
    question, "How do you ask a man to be the last man to die for
    a mistake?"

    Although he died bravely, Lieutenant VandeGeer's death was as
    senseless as those of the 58,000 who died before him in the fool's
    errand known as Vietnam. His remains were not recovered for 20
    years - not until a joint operation by American and Cambodian
    authorities located the underwater helicopter wreckage in 1995.
    Positive identification, using the most advanced DNA technology,
    took another four years. Lieutenant VandeGeer was buried at
    Arlington in a private ceremony in 2000.

    The Vietnam Veterans of America Foundation put me in touch
    with the lieutenant's family. "I'm still angry that my son is gone,"
    said Mrs. VandeGeer, who is divorced and lives alone in Cocoa
    Beach. "I'm his mother. I think about him every day."

    She said that while she will always be proud of her son, she
    believes he "died for nothing."

    Lieutenant VandeGeer's sister, Michelle, told me she can't think
    about her brother without recalling that the last time she saw
    him was on her wedding day, in May 1974. "He looked so
    handsome and confident," she said. "He wanted to change
    the world."

    Wars are all about chaos and catastrophes, death and suffering,
    and lifelong grief, which is why you should go to war only when
    it's absolutely unavoidable. Wars tear families apart as surely as
    they tear apart the flesh of those killed and wounded. Since we
    learned nothing from Vietnam, we are doomed to repeat its agony,
    this time in horrifying slow-motion in Iraq.

    Three more marines were killed yesterday in Iraq. Kidnappings are
    commonplace. The insurgency is growing and becoming more
    sophisticated, which means more deadly. Ordinary Iraqis are
    becoming ever more enraged at the U.S.

    When the newscaster David Brinkley, appalled by the carnage in
    Vietnam, asked Lyndon Johnson why he didn't just bring the troops
    home, Johnson replied, "I'm not going to be the first American
    president to lose a war."

    George W. Bush is now trapped as tightly in Iraq as Johnson was
    in Vietnam. The war is going badly. The president's own intelligence
    estimates are pessimistic. There is no plan to actually win the war
    in Iraq, and no willingness to concede defeat.

    I wonder who the last man or woman will be to die for this
    colossal mistake.

    Paul Krugman is on vacation.

    Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    9) TERROR ON THE JOB
    According to Human Rights Watch 200,000 employees in
    the U.S. were fired in the last decade because of
    their union activities.
    Where is the "War on Corporate Terror"?
    Tidbit from: Howard Keylor

    ---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    10) Subject: [ufpj-disc] RE: March Count
    From: "John Bostrom"
    Date: Fri, 17 Sep 2004 13:30:46 -0400


    Thank you, Bob, and whoever else is responsible, for taking the time
    to address this issue. This is the first time I've ever seen any major
    march organization dare to publish and its methods for arriving at
    its claimed of march numbers. The mere fact of doing that so is a
    plus for our credibility. And that's the real question here, our
    credibility. The often-repeated perception that "everyone always
    overestimates their march numbers" doesn't really reflect well on
    the validity or moral stature of what we're doing.

    The questions now are, how accurate are the methods we used,
    and can we improve on them to get more accurate numbers? The
    calculations and measurements used are certainly way better than
    simple wild guesstimates, but I would suggest that we can, and
    should, do much better.

    As for the basic calculation of numbers, there are three basic
    factors: duration, length, and density. Two of these were covered
    with actual verifiable measurements::

    Duration: the elapsed time measured at 23rd Street. Front of
    the march: 11:36 AM to just after 1:00 PM or 1.5 hours.
    Front to end, 11:36 AM to 2:36 PM or 3 hours.

    Length: the length of the march was measured as 43 blocks.
    For density, however, we're relying solely on estimates:
    Density (1): a reported police estimate of 5000 people in a
    tightly packed block

    Density (2): a report from two observers at 23rd Street that
    "for the entire three hours the entire march was tightly packed."

    Everything else is calculation based on those factors. Length
    was doubled to 86 blocks based on the difference between
    duration measurements, 3 hours being twice 1.5 hours Then,
    applying duration, 86 x 5000 = 430,000. And the estimated
    ("very large") numbers of people who joined above 23rd Street
    were then added to get 500,000. This would be 70,00 people
    - a large estimate to say the least.

    There should be no problem with the fact that a large percentage
    of people left the march at 34th Street to go to Central Park.
    Those people should definitely be counted as participating in
    the march. But there are several dubious points about the basic
    data and calculation.

    Observers: Where exactly was or were the observation points
    on 23rd Street? That's a long stretch of street. Were the
    observers standing together at one point, or at different points?
    And why only at 23rd? Why not post observers every three
    blocks or so all along the route, have them take notes, count,
    or film?

    Length: How was "43 blocks" arrived at? All blocks are not the same.
    Distances along east-west Streets like 23rd and 34th are significantly
    greater (perhaps between two to three times as long) than those
    along north-south Avenues like Fifth and Seventh.

    Density (1): First, it's hard to believe we're relying on police
    estimates for our basic calculations. How do we know they aren't
    skewed? It's nice that they agree this time. but what about when they
    don't? Independently verifiable, science-based methods are much better.
    Further, which type of blocks are used in this 5000-person estimate?
    North-south blocks along Avenues, or east-west blocks along Streets?
    It's a major difference.

    Density (2) The entire calculation rests on the validity of this point,
    and unfortunately it's very seriously flawed. The density of "entire"
    march simply can't be generalized from any one observation point.
    The march was definitely packed like sardines from the point of
    origin at 11:30 all the way up to 23rd Street. But as soon as it
    turned the corner on 23rd, it started to thin out, and by the time
    it turned up Seventh, it was far, far thinner. At Eighteenth Street,
    where I stopped to rest and film from around 12:30 to 1:00,
    it got extremely spaced out and straggly, with frequent ten-yard
    holes all the way across the street, followed by less than dozen or so
    marchers spaced several yards apart But a tightly packed block of
    5000 people at one point simply does not mean that the rest of the
    march is just as tightly packed.

    We can do much better. Actual counts of marchers passing
    several given observation points at key march locations would be
    much more accurate and verifiable. A single video camera at a
    given location could provide irrefutable, verifiable evidence. In
    fact, I believe CSPAN recorded the entire march at 34th and 7th.
    That tape could be analyzed.

    JB


    From: Bob Wing [ mailto:bobwing@sbcglobal.net ]
    Sent: Friday, September 17, 2004 10:53 AM
    To: John Bostrom; Shirley H. Young; dm.silver@verizon.net;ufpj-
    disc@yahoogroups.com; amyh@texnology.com; andrea Buffa
    Subject: March Count


    Dear All,

    I have been asked how we
    arrived at the 400,000-500,000 count
    of marchers on Aug. 29. I
    might start by saying that
    the NY Times, based on their
    observation, our estimate, as well as
    a late estimate of the police, accepted
    the 500,000 number. Here's how
    we came up with the number.

    1. We had two people stationed at
    23rd Street for the entire day. They
    report that the beginning of the march
    stepped off at 11:36 AM. They
    further report that the last people
    passed 23rd Street at 2:36 PM, exactly
    3 hours after the first folks began,
    and they report that for the entire
    three hours the march was tightly packed.

    2. The front of the march arrived at
    Union Square just after 1 PM, meaning
    it took them one and a half hours to
    march the route. Of course, the head
    of a march always takes longer than
    any other section of the march because
    it must constantly stop so as to avoid
    big gaps behind it. Plus we stopped a
    number of times specifically for photo
    ops. In other words, on average it took
    most of the march less than 1.5 hours
    to march the whole route.

    3. From points 1 and 2, we deduce that
    the march was more than twice the
    length of the march route. The march
    route was approximately 43 blocks long.
    That means the march was at least 86
    blocks and probably 5 to 10 more. The
    police estimate a packed block to be
    5,000 people. From this alone, then, we
    can say the march was 400-500,000 people.

    4. We know from personal experience that
    thousands of people joined the march
    above 23rd Street, meaning they never
    passed 23rd Street. We have no estimate
    of this factor, but it was very large.

    5. The last marchers arrived at Union
    Square at 5:35 PM, almost 4-1/2 hours
    after the leaders of the march arrived.
    There was one disruption at Madison
    Square Garden that prolonged the end.
    But on the other side thousands of people
    left the march along 34th Street to go to Central Park.


    UNITED FOR PEACE & JUSTICE | 212-868-5545




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